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Lucy Frazer QC MP: Tax reform in the 2020s

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I’d like to start by saying a huge thank you to Ryan Shorthouse and to Bright Blue for the invitation to speak at today’s event
 which is a really important opportunity to reflect on the future of tax
 the what, the how and the why
 

And I want to congratulate Bright Blue for the pioneering work you’ve been doing.

Stanley Baldwin, one of my predecessors as Financial Secretary to the Treasury, said: “I am not struck so much by the diversity of testimony
 as by the many-sidedness of truth.”

The point being, I think, that we can all disagree with each other
 and, at the same time, all be right. 

Which is why it makes such good sense for Bright Blue to have assembled such an impressive team of cross-party thinkers as part of your independent Tax Commission. 

The way we tax – the integrity of the tax system – fundamentally reflects the nature of a society. 

Because a successful tax system relies on trust. 

Trust that we will set the right rates, trust that others will pay it and trust that as a government we will spend our revenues well. 

Which is another reason why we must get it right.

In the next 25 minutes or so I want to make my contribution to the various ongoing debates around taxation
 and explore some ideas around what a tax system is meant to do, and ways that we can achieve that. 

And I’m going to focus on things like fairness, the tax gap, the size of the state, supporting enterprise, skills and R&D, modernisation, and, finally, on honesty
 


in particular the notion that government has a responsibility to be honest with the public about taxes
 and to tell it like it is.

There’s a widely held – and possibly understandable view – that tax is somehow only about taking. 

But really it’s about spreading possibility. 

It’s about the public trusting the government they elect to spend and invest on their behalf
 for the common good. 

And, sitting where I sit, it’s hard to think of many bigger responsibilities than that.   

Wider background

I’m going to start with some context.

There’s no need for me to revisit the circumstances or details of the pandemic, other than to thank staff at HMRC for their heroic efforts during the last two years. 

The Government has now turned its attention to economic recovery and renewal and is expanding its crucial efforts on initiatives such as levelling up.

Of course, we now face a new global threat, in the shape of Russia’s unprovoked and premeditated assault on Ukraine.

You will know we have delivered the largest package of sanctions in our history and unprecedented measures to isolate the Russian financial system for years to come.  

And I am proud that as Financial Secretary I have been able to play a minor part
by withdrawing our cooperation with Russia on sharing tax information



By announcing our intention to delist the Moscow stock exchange and by making it easier for those who want to help send humanitarian aid through customs to Ukraine.

Turning now to the domestic picture, we’re acutely sensitive of the cost of living challenge. 

But we will also continue to take our economic and fiscal responsibilities extremely seriously:

At the time of the Spring Statement, the Office for Budget Responsibility had forecast growth this year of 3.8%. 

It expects this to be followed by 1.8% in 2023, and 2.1%, 1.8% and 1.7% in the three years after that.

Meanwhile disruptions to global supply chains and energy markets, combined with the economic response to the invasion of Ukraine, mean that the OBR expects inflation to rise to an average of 7.4% this year, peaking at 8.7% in Q4, before falling back below the MPC’s 2% target in 2024 and 2025.

Debt is set to pass £2.3 trillion, reaching 95.6% of GDP
 while this financial year we’re forecast to spend £83 billion on debt interest – the highest on record – and a powerful argument for getting the debt down in the coming years.

All in all, that makes for challenging times
 and has important implications for future taxation. 

The state of taxation

When it comes to the realities of the current tax burden there are some commonly held truths
 but some widely held misperceptions too.

For instance, it is indeed high.


But I want to put paid to the notion that the burden in this country is greater than that of our peers. 

Because it’s not. In fact, we are likely to continue to maintain our place more or less in the middle of the G7
. with a tax rate lower than Germany, lower than Italy and lower than France.

The tax burden on individuals specifically, is actually forecast to be the lowest in the G7
 a result of generous allowances on income tax and relatively moderate rates for both income tax and national insurance contributions. 

We have a highly progressive tax system. 

The top one per cent of Income Taxpayers are projected to have contributed 28 per cent of all Income Tax in 2021-22, up from 25% a decade earlier.

And the top five per cent paid nearly 50 per cent of all income tax, up from 43 per cent over the same timeframe.

Next steps

Having said that, our goal as a government is both to reform and reduce taxes. 

The Spring Statement set out the Government’s tax plan, which includes three key priorities: 

First, we’re acting now to help families with the cost of living. 

Second, we’re cutting and reforming taxes in three key areas – Capital, People and Ideas – to create the conditions for private sector-led growth. 

And third, we’re sharing the proceeds of growth fairly through cuts to personal taxes
letting people keep more of what they earn. 

My belief, pure and simple, is in the greatest practical market freedom
 within an overall framework of financial discipline.

That doesn’t, by the way, mean that we can’t or won’t step in when we need to. 

A clear example is the roughly ÂŁ400 billion we spent to support households and businesses during the pandemic, protecting jobs and livelihoods the length and breadth of the country.

The right principles

That’s a survey of the economic and policy context. 

But I want to get onto some of the big ideas which underpin discussions around taxation
 the first of which is fairness. Something which I know Bright Blue’s vision for tax reform also talks about.

I’d argue that businesses often demonstrate fairness
 and that’s what we’ve seen both when multinationals have shut down operations in Russia, and when companies have repaid money they received from the furlough scheme.  

And fairness is something, as individual human beings, that we feel very intuitively.

In his book ‘Morality’, the late Rabbi Lord Jonathan Sacks recounts a psychology experiment in which four players, unknown to each other, are each given $20. 

Players secretly put however much money they want into a central kitty. 

The total – all the money from the four players – is doubled, then shared equally between them. 

What that means in reality is that it pays to let other people contribute while you hold back
 because you get a quarter of the doubled kitty, on top of the money already in your hand. 

That’s still the case even if you sit there with your arms crossed and do nothing.

And so slowly, one by one, that’s what happens, in part because people’s sense of fairness is offended. 

Realising that they’re being taken advantage of, eventually no-one contributes anything anymore. That is the case even though contributing benefits everyone
 because the total pot increases.

As Lord Rabbi Sacks puts it: ‘There is now no common good, only individual private goods and people give up their potential gains because their sense of justice is outraged.

That experiment has been replicated in lots of different settings
 including with teenagers
 and it highlights the existence of this innate sense of fairness we seem to be born with. 

What does that mean for the way we tax?

Well, quite simply, for me it means that taxes need to be fair – and they need to be seen to be fair. 

We’re all basically happy to give something up for the greater, communal good
 for instance, by helping to fund state healthcare or education
 but there’s a limit to what people are willing to pay, and they adjust their behaviour accordingly.

Linked to that are discussions around the Laffer Curve, and the notion that tax cuts can pay for themselves
 partly because people are more inclined to pay their taxes, and partly because greater growth as a result of lower taxes more than compensates for the lost revenue. 

I recognise there’s a lot of debate about where we sit on the Laffer Curve. 

I notice for instance, that Stuart Adam of the IFS recently told the Treasury Select Committee that ‘the Laffer Curve is a real thing
it exists but that ’the shape of the Laffer Curve, and the peak of where the Laffer Curve is, will be different for every bit of every tax and in every different circumstance’.

The point is that it deserves our scrutiny and our consideration and should absolutely be a part of the debate.  

The Tax Gap

The flip side of any discussion of fairness is the tax gap – HMRC’s estimate of the difference between the taxes that are owed and that are actually paid.

In the UK, the tax gap was around ÂŁ35 billion in 2019-20, equivalent to 5.2% of theoretical tax liabilities.

The good news is, that that’s part of a long-term downward trend, falling from 7.5% in 2005-06
 the result of government efforts to tackle tax evaders, and to help people to get their tax right by promoting good compliance and reducing the opportunities for error.

In fact, in little more than a decade we’ve introduced over 150 measures to tackle tax avoidance, evasion and other forms of non-compliance. 

And those measures, alongside HMRC’s wider work, have secured and protected over £250 billion for public services since 2010.  

But the gap is still too wide… because it represents money owed to the Exchequer which could otherwise be available to spend on frontline public services and next-generation infrastructure.

We’re not at all complacent about this. Since last year we’ve introduced an additional 20 measures to tackle tax avoidance, evasion and non-compliance – forecast to raise an estimated £6.3 billion over the next 5 years. 

These include implementing Making Tax Digital, our reimagining of the way businesses keep their records and submit their tax returns.

We’re also focused on delivering a trusted, modern, digital tax administration system for businesses and their agents to help them get their tax right the first time. 

And, at last year’s Spending Review we provided almost £300 million for HMRC to invest in additional support across all forms of compliance activity.

This is all important
 because again it’s about fairness
 so we won’t take our foot off the accelerator.

Another more nuanced aspect of ‘fairness’ is the role taxation can play in wider societal issues, for instance, in helping us bring down carbon emissions as part of efforts to tackle climate change.

The Government is committed to carbon pricing as one of the most efficient tools for decarbonisation
 and it’s clearly going to play a key role in helping us get to Net Zero.

Carbon pricing – or in other words applying a cost to carbon emissions to encourage polluters to reduce the amount of greenhouse emissions they produce – is ‘fair’ because it makes sure that polluters pay. 

In addition, it provides funds that Government can deploy on other priorities – including environmental objectives. 

The problem is that different ambition in different countries creates space for the risk of ‘carbon leakage’. This means that the carbon our policies are designed to stop ends up being emitted if an activity is displaced to a country with a less ambitious climate policy.

The best and fairest way to address carbon leakage would be for all countries to move in lockstep
 and we’ll continue pushing for a common global approach.

In the meantime, we will need to continue to look at ways that we can protect the UK from carbon leakage and level the playing field for UK businesses, while continuing to make progress towards our Net Zero targets.

The size of the state

So that’s fairness
 a complex but crucial concept in taxation.

The second key issue I want to address in considering how to think about taxation is the size of the state.

It has been said that ‘when the state owns, nobody owns, and when nobody owns, nobody cares’
.

Quite simply, an overly large state which does everything takes away the responsibility of others.  It takes away the responsibility of communities, families and schools to society as a whole.

The nub of it, I think, is that the state needs to understand its limits. Which isn’t a particularly surprising thing for a conservative minister to say, but I still think it’s worth making the point.

Circumstances have rightly required the Government to take on massive responsibilities over the last two years. But we need to get back to normal as soon as we reasonably and responsibly can.

To draw a historical parallel, debt peaked at 270% of GDP after the Second World War following massive fiscal expansion to support the war effort. 

However, it was then gradually and consistently reduced until – significantly helped by growth in GDP itself – it fell below 40% at the beginning of the 1980s and didn’t exceed that level again until the Global Financial Crisis. 

There’s a natural tension here. Particularly for a government which has borrowed significantly to help households and businesses through the pandemic.

It’s not my job to decide how much we spend as a government. But we can all reasonably ask where the limit of public spending should lie – not least because of its implications for taxation. 

More state is not the answer. 

As one of my Treasury colleagues, the Chief Secretary, told the Institute of Economic Affairs a few weeks ago: “Last Autumn’s Spending Review marks the limit of fiscal expansion
 the high-water mark in our commitment to honour what we set out in the manifesto
 and not a point from which anyone should expect us to go further.”

Crucially, government spending affects the rate of inflation
 and that must be part of our calculation going forward.

Growth and Enterprise

The truth is that economic success comes from people and businesses. We believe it’s our job as a government to create the conditions for that. 

So that is the third major issue I want to explore. 

It’s clear that economic success requires a competitive and stable tax system which provides business with the confidence to invest and expand.

This is a principle that’s at the heart of the Chancellor’s tax plan. 

And I know that Bright Blue’s report contains ideas about how to harness the tax system to boost businesses.

We also think there’s value, for instance, in providing clarity and certainty over the long-term. In fact, the longer the better.

In particular, the Government is committed to boosting productivity and growth by creating the conditions for the private sector to invest more, train more and innovate more – fostering a new culture of enterprise around capital, people and ideas.

And here, too, taxation has a role to play.

Investment is a key driver of productivity growth. 

By adding to the economy’s capital stock and improving the skills of the workforce, the economy can produce more with the same input from workers.

The problem is that business investment has been a long-standing weakness in the UK. In 2019, business investment accounted for 10% of our GDP, compared with 14% on average across the OECD.

We introduced the Super Deduction in 2021 – the biggest two-year business tax cut in modern British history – to encourage firms to invest in productivity-enhancing assets that will help them grow. 

Already we’re seeing companies benefitting.

Take Blackrow Engineering in Grimsby, which has spent ÂŁ1.6 million over the last 18 months updating its workshops, plant and equipment, after making use of the Super Deduction.

This investment has allowed Blackrow to expand into new areas, resulting in a 40% increase in turnover and creating 73 new jobs – a great example of how the Super Deduction is not just supporting companies, it’s helping to build more prosperous communities too.

And we are going to build on this momentum by cutting and reforming taxes on business investment.

Our challenge now is to find the most effective way to reduce taxes on investment while ensuring value for the taxpayer. 

You might have seen how at the Spring Statement, the Government set out some illustrative options for the post-super deduction capital allowances regime. 

And ahead of the Autumn Budget, we’ll continue to look at the evidence – including the impact of the super-deduction – and of course, we will continue to garner the views of businesses themselves.

Skills 

As I mentioned earlier, people are central to achieving this new culture of enterprise.

For me, that means skills, and what we can do to boost them. 

Because – no apologies here – I believe that skills are the answer to many of the challenges we face as a country.

Improving peoples’ skills is not just good for the economy. 

It is necessary for society.  

As prisons minister I saw people going through a revolving door of incarceration;

Some 80% of offenders cautioned or convicted in 2020 had at least one previous caution or conviction.

While over 50% of prisoners are assessed on entry as having the maths and English levels of an 11-year old or an even younger child and may find it challenging to get a job on release. 

In fact, we know that employment reduces the chance of reoffending significantly, by up to 9 percentage points.

I was very struck when I met John in a prison on one of my last visits.  He was coming to the end of his sentence for fraud.  

He told me that like him, his father had been in and out of prison, as his grandfather had too.  

But this time John was not leaving prison empty handed.  He was leaving with a degree from the Open University and told me his aim was to set up his own business and be a role model to his kids.   

So, educating people and upskilling them is not just about bringing in more tax revenues, it can also be about giving people a lifeline.

I want to make a broader point on skills too. We have a very high proportion of university graduates – 10 percent higher than the OECD average.

But we lag behind international peers on many other scales.

9 million adults in England have low basic literacy and/or numeracy skills.

Just 18% of 25-64 year-olds hold vocational qualifications, a third lower than across the OECD. 

UK businesses spend on average the equivalent of €293 per employee on training, around half the EU average. 

There are also significant regional differences. The North East, North West, Yorkshire and the Humber, as well as the East and West Midlands are all behind London and the South East in terms of the percentage of 19-year-olds who attain Level 2 and 3 qualifications.

None of that is good enough.

Which is why the Government is investing a total, over the Parliament, of £3.8 billion in skills by 2024-25, equivalent to a cash increase of 42% (26% in real terms) compared to 2019-20. 

But this isn’t just about money. It’s about identifying the right people for the right jobs in the right places
 and then training them up.

Importantly, we need to be doing that in partnership with the private sector. Not least because many of the people we want to support are already working. And because the private sector is the best judge of where the jobs and skills of tomorrow lie.

We’re considering whether further intervention is needed to encourage employers to offer the high-quality employee training the UK needs
 examining whether the current tax system – including the operation of the Apprenticeship Levy – is doing enough to incentivise businesses to invest in the right kinds of training. 

The truth is that not enough companies are taking full advantage of the Levy.

So, we’re helping companies to not only invest in apprenticeships across their own workforce but to also transfer levy funds to support other smaller firms, benefitting local areas and the wider economy.

It’s been brilliant to see examples of levy transfers going to schools and further education colleges, too
supporting training for teachers and teaching assistants but also STEM apprenticeships.

I think that if businesses could then build relationships with the schools they sponsor, creating links between teachers and industry, students with work experience, and young people with business mentors
. 


We would see even more students leaving school with the mix of skills and ambitions that would enable them and their local areas to flourish.

We’re taking a similar approach – combining creativity with common sense – to skills boots camps
employer-led flexible training courses, lasting 12-16 weeks in high growth sectors. 

Around 16,000 bootcamps are being delivered this year
 over half of them in digital skills such as cybersecurity, web development, cloud computing, coding and AI.

Initial evaluation has shown that over half of participants move into higher paid employment after completing a bootcamp.

So clearly this is a big success story. But we’re not stopping here.

Recognising the shortage of lorry drivers, this year we also announced ÂŁ17 million to deliver 5,000 skills bootcamps in HGV training.

And we’ve now committed to quadrupling the current annual scale of bootcamps and we’re planning on rolling them out to a wider range of sectors.

Research & Development

Of course, if we are to build a culture of enterprise, as well as people and skills, we also need ideas
 and that again brings me back to taxation.

Investment in R&D is vital for increasing productivity and promoting growth. 

It also offers new opportunities to boost UK firms’ competitiveness and create transformative technologies
 which, again, could help us to address societal challenges ranging from climate change to better health outcomes. 

Looking ahead, the Government has an ambitious target to raise total investment in R&D to 2.4% of UK GDP by 2027.

We’ve already set out a series of initial measures to reform the R&D tax relief system
 including the expansion of qualifying expenditures to cover data and cloud computing costs, as well as refocusing R&D relief on activity carried out in the UK.

And we’re reviewing R&D tax reliefs further – to ensure, among other things, that the UK remains a competitive location for world-class research – and we expect to announce our next steps in the Autumn

Because, again and again, companies tell us that reliefs are a critical enabler of their R&D, improving their cash flow and enabling them to reinvest more in developing new ideas each year. 

A changing economy

You’ve probably noticed that I haven’t yet mentioned: our departure from the European Union.  

Now that we’ve left the EU, it makes sense to make the most of our newfound freedoms. 

At the Spring Statement we took a major step forward, when the Chancellor announced that we’re reversing a ruling by the EU to charge VAT on energy saving materials.

Separately, the Brexit Freedoms Bill, due to come before parliament later this year, is another important milestone.

It will end the special status of EU law in our legal framework, giving the UK the freedom to more easily amend or remove outdated EU law – removing £1 billion of red-tape for business and improving regulation.

So, there’s a real opportunity here.

I’m going to continue to work closely with the Chancellor and my colleagues across government to explore where reforms
similar to the overhaul of alcohol duty we made at the last Budget, will take place. And this, of course, will follow consultation with the private sector.

Brexit means we also have a chance to ask ourselves questions about the balance of our economy
 about the ratio of goods to services, and whether we should be focusing, for instance, on hi-tech, mid-tech or low tech. This is a question of particular relevance to the area I represent in Cambridgeshire, home to massive British success stories like ARM.

There has been a shift away from goods towards services. Between 1997 and 2019, the service sector expanded from 73% of GDP to 80%, while the manufacturing sector shrank from 17% of GDP to just under 10%.

Technological change, the imperative to achieve net zero and shifts in trading patterns could all continue to reshape the economy in the coming years
 and we must be ready.

Modernisation 

And that leads me on to the final issue I want to touch on – one that sits bang in the middle of my portfolio as Financial Secretary: modernisation of the tax system.

I spoke briefly, at the beginning of my remarks, about trust, and the need to constantly earn that trust.

What the people and businesses need – what they deserve – is a tax system that is fair, transparent, flexible, resilient and modern. A system that they can trust
 in every way.

We’ve already taken some big steps forward.

In July 2020, as many of you know, we published our strategy to reinvigorate the tax administration system. That of course includes the need to fully embrace digital technologies. 

That document also outlined our plans to harness technology to deliver a fully digital tax system that operates closer to real time, makes it easier for businesses and individuals to get their tax right, and builds trust by operating in a fair and even-handed way.

Looking forward, there’s the Single Customer Account that HMRC are developing
 a single point through which taxpayers can access and interact with HMRC online.

Over time, as its name suggests, this initiative will integrate our existing digital accounts into one… bringing together taxpayers’ affairs and services online – and through mobile devices – in one secure place.  

By modernising paper and telephone-based processes, the account will make it easier for taxpayers to access HMRC, subscribe to digital services, communicate through tools such as web chat, and receive prompts and support to help them get their taxes right first time.  

Also central to our strategy is ‘Making Tax Digital’ – which I touched on earlier.

MTD is designed to reduce taxpayer mistakes, and therefore the Exchequer losses resulting from them
but it also acts as a catalyst for businesses to become more digital.

The first stage of Making Tax Digital – which focused on VAT – launched in April 2019. As of this month, we’ve extended MTD to all VAT registered businesses. 

We’re also keen to make progress on making Income Tax digital 
 which will come into force for landlords and sole traders with income over £10,000 from April 2024.

Embracing Blockchain

Becoming modern means we need to embrace, not just established technologies but those that are still emerging. Like Blockchain.

A few weeks ago, my colleague, the Economic Secretary to the Treasury, announced the UK’s intention to become a global hub for crypto
 the very best place in the world to start and scale crypto companies.

He made the point that we have a detailed plan
 that we are determined to learn quickly… and that we will lead the way in harnessing the potential of blockchain and supporting the development of a world-best crypto ecosystem.

We are already effectively using crypto-technologies to make government more efficient
 including in my patch, where we’re developing opportunities to use distributed ledger technology for Customs and International Trade, to ease the import of goods.

There’s an element of the unknown here
 but we must believe that we can harness technology constructively, sustainably and responsibly. And I’m personally determined that’s what we’ll do.

Being honest

Ladies and Gentlemen,

I’ve covered a lot of ground. And perhaps that’s inevitable given the way my portfolio stretches across Whitehall.

These are complex, interlocking issues. About which it is crucial that we continue to talk
 and continue to talk honestly. 

I started today by talking about trust.

And I will end by saying that trust can only be truly earned if we are open with people. 

Open about the possibilities but also open about the challenges.

In my role, I regularly hear from people who are dealing with the increasing cost of living.

Others tell me they worry about what the future holds for themselves and their families at this difficult time for the world.

My colleagues across government are focused on creating the economic certainty those people quite rightly need.

But it serves no-one for us to cloak the challenges we face
 to pretend that we can wave a magic wand and solve everything instantly. 

During the depths of the Covid crisis, the Chancellor never shied away from being open about the situation.

And we are taking the same transparent approach, when it comes to levelling with people about the economic headwinds that are blowing our way.

However, while we’re constrained by economic circumstances, we can and should believe in our vision for a United Kingdom.

A place where productivity is at an all-time high and which benefits from significant growth, low taxes and high employment.

A country where people can succeed, wherever they live and fulfil their potential.

Our tax system can’t achieve that alone. But making the right tax choices
 the what, the why and the how
 can make a big difference. 

And that’s particularly true now
 when circumstances are more difficult. 

These are the times when we need to ask the right questions
 to think harder
 to act with purpose and imagination.

All things that I – and this Government – are determined to do.

Thank you

The keynote speech was followed by a Q&A session.

The Rt Hon Lucy Frazer QC MP is the Financial Secretary to the Treasury.

Greg Hands MP: The Roaring Twenties? A ‘One Nation’ decade of economic reform

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You can watch Greg Hands’ keynote speech here.

Good morning, as you can tell I am not Kwasi Kwarteng, he sends his sincere apologies he is a big supporter of Bright Blue. I am delighted to be here with you this morning, and I’m particularly struck by the theme of the conference. When we think of the Roaring Twenties naturally one conjures up images of Great Gatsby-esque opulence; of wild dancing and excess. But after the huge shock of the first world war – the 20s were also a time of renewed optimism and prosperity. 

It’s that optimism that I want to focus on in this speech. And as I travelled back from COP26 in November, I felt that we had a lot to be optimistic about as we grapple with the climate crisis.

The UK has shown global leadership and proven that it is possible to reduce carbon emissions without sacrificing prosperity.

In fact, we have grown our economy by 78% whilst cutting emissions by 44% over the past three decades. And we already have almost half a million jobs in low carbon businesses and their supply chains across the UK.

But we’ve gone further – committing the country to net zero by 2050. That’s not just the right thing to do for our planet – but it’s vital for our future prosperity and security.

Because net zero offers us an unprecedented economic opportunity.

Now, I know a whole load of figures in speeches can elicit groans from the audience – but I want to share some with you because they are quite impressive.

Net zero aligned sectors in the UK could contribute up to £60 billion of gross value added a year by 2050. By 2030 low carbon goods and services globally are expected to be worth between £1.1tn and £1.8tn per year. 

Taking carbon capture and storage as one example sector, we’re seeing a rapidly growing global market, with the potential to see £360bn accumulated global investment by 2030.

The government’s 400 page net zero strategy may not be bedtime reading for everybody – but it delivers a comprehensive set of measures to support and capitalise on our transition to net zero. 

In fact, it was labelled the most comprehensive plan in the world for reaching net zero by the Climate Change Committee.  

It aims to leverage £90 billion in investment by 2030 – this will translate into opportunities for British companies. 

The strategy lays out how we will create the right policy environment for investment into exciting new technologies and companies.

This in turn will mean more, highly skilled, highly paid jobs for British people, up and down the country.

Jobs at, for example, Britishvolt’s first full-scale gigaplant, which will manufacture batteries for electric cars n the North East. Or perhaps at the new GE Turbine plant at Teeside, or at Hinkley Point nuclear power station.

These are just three examples. Nearly 60,000 green jobs have already been secured, or created, since the launch of the government’s 10 point plan just over a year ago. 

It will go further – we foresee over 400,000 new jobs, created by the end of the decade.

And just as the north east, the north west and the midlands were the cradle for the industrial revolution – these historic heartlands will lead the way for the green revolution.

Achieving a green industrial revolution and realising these economic opportunities will require a business led approach including the support of organisations such as social economy alliance… and I want to take this opportunity to thank them for their work – particularly for their green procurement guide published for COP26.

I’ve had the privilege as energy minister to travel across the country to visit exciting new projects. I travelled to Blyth to mark JDR Cables’ investment in a new state-of-the-art high-voltage subsea cable facility for offshore wind… …and to Whitelee Wind Farm near Glasgow to announce the Government’s ÂŁ9.4 million investment in a new hydrogen electrolysis facility.

We are also increasingly excited by floating offshore wind farms – in fact the first two ever built anywhere in the world are up in Scotland. Hywind off Peterhead and Kincardine off Aberdeenshire take full advantage of the howling winds of the North Sea.

We have more installed capacity than any other country in the world and we believe we can develop this to create a high-tech domestic industry which generates high-skilled jobs in our coastal communities.

And of course we need to be able to produce green energy even when –  perish the thought -the wind doesn’t blow.

That’s why we’ve invested in new nuclear and we’ve announced a £120 million Future Nuclear Enabling Fund to support the deployment of nuclear projects, and £210 million investment for Rolls-Royce to develop its design for one of the world’s first Small Modular Reactors.

And it’s phrases like ‘world’s first’ and ‘world leading’ that I want to come back to again.

When the UK was confirmed as host of COP26, less than 30% of global GDP was signed up to net zero or carbon neutrality targets. Today, in part again because of UK leadership, that figure is now over 80% – and rising.

We are capitalising on this by investing an extra ÂŁ500 million in innovation projects to develop the green technologies of the future. That way, we can support the most pioneering ideas to decarbonise homes, industries, land and power.

So, it will be British technology that the world looks to, to make journeys cleaner and houses warmer.

To build on this, we are ensuring people have the right skills for employment in Britain’s new low carbon industries through measures ranging from green skills bootcamps to dedicated apprenticeships, as we support new British industries, green jobs and economic growth.

But it’s not just about strengthening our economy and bringing down costs: immediate action on climate change will improve our health, our wellbeing, and will protect our natural environment, securing the livelihoods of our children and grandchildren.

The keynote speech was followed by a Q&A session.

Greg Hands is the Minister for Energy, Clean Growth and Climate Change.

The Rt Hon Lord Goldsmith of Richmond Park: Global green giant? UK leadership on biodiversity loss and climate change

By Home, Speeches

Thank you, Ryan.

It’s wonderful to be here at the British Academy.

– and Patrick, it has been a pleasure to read Nature positive? as well. 

I’d like to say a few words about the defining challenge of our age – and what we can do to start treating it that way.

The facts couldn’t be any clearer.

We have known them now for some time. 

And so I won’t reproduce them.

But it is worth reminding ourselves that we are currently losing – a staggering 30 football pitches worth of forest every single minute. 

That a million species face extinction. 

That just as we’re stripping the ocean of life at an appalling rate, we’re filling it with trash just as quickly. 

And all of this against the backdrop of worsening climate change. 

Or to put it another way. 

The Earth is 4.6bn years old. 

If we were to scale that back to one year, we’ve been around for one less than one hour. 

Our industrial revolution began much less than one minute ago. 

And in under one second, we’ve managed to destroy more than half the world’s tropical forests. 

And it shouldn’t need to be said, but another second like that – and we are finished. 

Because while this is self-evidently an ecological tragedy 


whole ecosystems that took millions of years to evolve being simply grubbed out in a blink and species lost


it’s also an unfolding human tragedy.

Take land use and food security. 

It’s an extraordinary thing, undoubtedly, that in the last 40 years or so we trebled global food production. 

But the manner in which we achieved that – globally – cannot possibly be replicated for future generations.  

Around the world – we’ve seen massive soil erosion, hopelessly unsustainable use and pollution of water, wholesale degradation of ecosystems, biodiversity collapse and so on. 

An estimated half a billion small farms are already battling diminishing yields.

And around a billion people face various degrees of hunger.

Which makes the prospect of feeding a predicted 9 billion people by 2030 all the more alarming.

Meanwhile agricultural commodities are the main cause of global deforestation – as much as 80% of it. 

And in addition to directly undermining the livelihoods and lives of hundreds of millions of people around the world who depend directly on forests


as well as devastating biodiversity –


deforestation is now one of the biggest source of emissions, which means increased climate change and that in turn means increased risks of drought, floods, pests… 

And if you add to that the now well-documented relationship between the destruction of ecosystems and the emergence of zoonotic diseases like Covid


we can see that the manner in which we have achieved that food miracle – trebling global food production – has cost future generations a great deal. 

Indeed it has literally cost the earth.

Across land and sea, the evidence is utterly overwhelming.

Professor Dasgupta and Lord Stern before him have shown us what the destruction of climate and nature means for our lives and our economies. 

So there can be nothing more important than turning this trajectory around.

To some extent, that is already beginning to happen in relation to the low-carbon revolution. 

The cost of renewables has tumbled, their uptake is accelerating fast, low carbon vehicles are on the cusp of going mainstream.

The market in many respects is racing ahead of the politics, and ahead I think of what anyone could have predicted just a few years ago. 

Clearly, I’m not suggesting it’s job done – we’re pressing every country to ramp things up ahead of the all-important COP26. 

But when it comes to attaching a value to nature and a cost to its destruction


we’ve barely started.

And that has to change – because technology alone cannot save us. 

We know there is no credible or sensible pathway to net zero, or to adapting to climate change – or to any of the sustainable development goals – that does not involve protecting and restoring nature on an unprecedented scale. 

Nature based solutions – mangroves, forests, sea grass and so on – could provide a third of the most cost-effective solutions that we need if we’re going to keep within 1.5 degrees of warming


as well as helping species recover and helping communities adapt to the inevitable changes that are already happening.

And the magic of protecting and restoring the natural world, beyond saving beautiful species and unique ecosystems, is that in doing so we’re also tackling so many other major challenges as well – hunger, poverty, pollution, even pandemics.

And yet– nature based solutions currently receive less than 3% of total global climate finance.

So as presidents of the all-important climate conference COP26 in Glasgow this November, we’re putting nature at the heart of our response to climate change – both domestically but also internationally. 

And because so much of what we need to do involves persuading others to step up, we know we need to be seen to be leading.

And of course like every country – we have much to do to close the gap between where we are and where we need to be, but I do believe the UK is showing that leadership.

At home we were the first to legislate for net zero by 2050,


first to mandate biodiversity net gain on new developments, 


first to make land use payments conditional upon good environmental stewardship


the Environment Bill takes the world-leading step of requiring a new, historic, legally-binding target to halt species decline by 2030.

And more.

We are stepping up internationally as well.

We doubled our International Climate Finance, and are investing at least £3bn of that in nature-based solutions – and we know that is important in and of itself, but also in our dealings with other donor countries.

On the back of our commitment, we’re launching a hugely exciting new programmes.

A new £100m Biodiverse Landscapes Fund to connect and protect vast transboundary landscapes – providing safe passage for wildlife and green jobs for people. 

We’re rolling out a new £500m Blue Planet Fund which is going to help protect fragile marine ecosystems from a whole multitude of threats. 

We’re building major new projects to protect and restore some of the world’s most important ecosystems. 

We’re increasing our efforts to reverse biodiversity loss, and to stop the illegal wildlife trade.

And we’re building new partnerships between business and government – raising significant funds to help forest countries protect what they have and to restore their degraded lands. 

And the good news is that we know that we can turn things around. 

Because protecting and restoring nature works – for people and for the planet.

Look at Costa Rica.

They’ve doubled their rainforest in roughly a generation – growing their economy putting and more than half their country under canopy. 

Or take marine protected areas really anywhere in the world. 

Wherever they are created and implemented carefully – with the coastal communities who rely on them – we see commercial stocks rebound and livelihoods secured. 

That’s why we’re leading efforts to protect at least 30% of the world’s land and 30% of the world’s ocean, by 2030.

G7 members have signed up – along with more than 90 other countries.

And we’re leading calls for a new treaty under the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea to protect those two thirds of the global ocean that lie beyond national jurisdiction.

We’re continuing to grow our magnificent Blue Belt around the overseas territories – already protecting an area of nature rich ocean bigger than India. 

In the run up to the next biodiversity conference in Kunming, we’re doing more heavy lifting I think than any other country to secure the highest possible ambition. 

Targets, but also mechanisms to hold governments to account for their commitments.

All of this is critically important.

But without systemic change, we will forever be playing catch up.

So as major contributors to the multilateral system, we’re using our leverage to press the multilateral development banks to mainstream nature – right across their entire portfolios. 

There’s no point having bits of investment here and there in nature or climate, if the rest of the money is taking us in the opposite direction.

We’re making the same demands of business.

– lobbying them to get deforestation out of their supply chains by 2025, and to go nature positive or at the very least to go nature neutral. 

And we’re calling on governments to identify and then use the levers that they uniquely hold to help markets value nature and attach a cost to environmental destruction. 

If you consider that the top 50 food producing countries spend $700 billion a year – every year – supporting often-destructive land-use.

And that’s around four times the world’s aid budgets combined.

And coincidentally, it’s roughly what scientists believe we’re going to have to spend if we want to reverse environmental destruction and help nature recover. 

So you only need to imagine the impact if this support could be redirected towards renewal and protection – something we’ve got the whole G7 looking at now.

This is a core part of the campaign we’re running internationally ahead of COP26.

And alongside that work, we’re building a global alliance of countries committed to breaking the link between commodities and deforestation

– something we’re doing in law in the UK.

If we succeed globally, we have the capacity to flip the market in favour of sustainability and forests.

I want to end with two brief observations. 

The first is that in the real world, the economy is a subset of the environment. 

As we destroy the environment, we destroy the economy. 

And that basic truth needs to be reflected in all our decisions, and in the market – where the rules are going to have to be shaped so that the true value of nature and the cost of its destruction are properly reflected. 

And the second is simply that there’s very little that needs to be done, that’s not already being done – by someone, somewhere. 

We have all the tools that we need – 

-we just require the political will, and we need to scale up, fast.

If we do that, then there’s absolutely no reason we cannot make this the decade we reconcile our lives and our economies with the natural world on which ultimately each and every one of us fundamentally depends.

Thank you very much – time for some questions. 

The keynote speech was followed by a Q&A session.

The Rt Hon Lord Goldsmith of Richmond Park is the Minister of State for the Pacific and the Environment 

The Rt Hon Priti Patel MP: What’s next for immigration?

By Home, Speeches

For too long – for several decades in fact – immigration was a democratic outlier.

And when politicians and commentators discussed immigration, we inevitability heard a discussion based on economics and culture.

A crucial principle which was overlooked, was the principle of democracy.

And it was seen as entirely proper for the British people to express their wishes at the ballot box on matters such as taxation, healthcare, education, pensions, international relations, the environment, and law and order.

And yet concerns about immigration – its impact upon communities or control over immigration numbers or policy, would in some quarters be met with derision and scorn by parts of the political class.

Far too many politicians were indifferent to public opinion about this issue.

And too many were happy to assert that even raising the topic of immigration was racist.

It has taken a referendum and change in government for politicians to recognise that by choosing to ignore this issue, public frustration has also contributed and led to a reframing of this debate.

It is a fact that successive governments failed to control immigration – and there are a whole number of reasons as to why.

The problems and unhappiness this caused by among the public became impossible for any politician to continue to ignore.

The British people voted to take back control of our borders in the 2016 EU referendum.

They then drove the message home again at the 2019 general election.

And political parties of every hue have an obligation and responsibility to face reality.

In 2016, the British people withdrew their consent to be governed – in part – by the European Union.

They also withdraw their support for a broken immigration system.

We, therefore, have a democratic mandate and imperative to fix it.

In addition to seeking to fix the broken system, we also have a responsibility to dispel many of the false myths and assertions around this issue.

Some still deny that immigration could ever be excessive, inanely claiming that it is only ever a question of adequate investment.

This is to deny reality.

People across the country do not want their communities and way of life to change beyond recognition.

And yet acknowledging this is not to be “anti-immigration”.

Neither I, the Prime Minister or our great country are anti-immigration.

And to those who say that I am – they are wrong.

Instead they are seeking to sow dissent, rather than address the very concerns raised by the British public.

It is an undeniable fact that immigration has and continues to enrich – in every sense of the word – our nation immeasurably.

People from every part of the world are here in the UK and are making enormous contributions to our society, culture, economy, and individual lives.

We all cherish this. And I want this to be part of our national life and place in the world and for it to become stronger.

Immigration is part of my own story.

My family were forced from Uganda and they had the privilege to make a home in the UK.

They worked ferociously hard to keep a roof over our heads and secure a life for my family.

I owe them more than I can ever say.

I am a proud as a Briton and I am proud of my parents and of my British-Indian background.

And I join the millions of British Indians and children of migrant families who have established a life in one of the greatest countries in the world.

But there are many who struggle with this concept.

They do not speak for the silent majority who look to their government to establish appropriate measures and controls on who comes to and settles in the UK.

I believe in fairness and in law and order.

And I love our country just as much as someone whose great-great-grandparents were born here – and I want our nation to succeed.

The government is taking back control of immigration.

Because there is such a thing as too much immigration and such a thing as too little immigration.

And yes, the optimal level will be different at different times, and no, calculating it may not be an exact science.

That doesn’t mean we should conclude it is hopeless.

The answer is to fix the system – to make it logical and fair.

The first thing we have done is restore public confidence in the immigration system.

Over the last few decades, public confidence in our broken system was shot to pieces.

But we have already taken a number of important steps, delivering on the election manifesto promises of ending free movement and introducing a new, points-based system.

We have published a fair but firm plan to stop people risking their lives on dangerous journeys to the UK, break the business model of people smuggling gangs, and speed up the removal of those with no legal right to be here.

But we know there is more to do.

The simple reality is it is not possible for everyone who wants to come and live here to do so.

The concept of ‘open borders’ is a flawed one.

It would not be fair to the people of this country, whose taxes fund public services and who have made it clear that they want control.

It would not be fair to those fleeing torture and persecution who want to use safe and legal routes to get here.

The United Kingdom has a long, proud tradition of providing a home for people fleeing persecution and oppression


Such as, Jewish people escaping Hitler in the 1930s and 1940s.

Hungarians in the 1950s as the Soviet menace rolled in.

Exiled Ugandans in the 1970s.

Bosnians from the war-ravaged former Yugoslavia in the 1990s.

And victims of the Syrian conflict in recent years.

The entire government is committed to a generous and compassionate approach to those in need.

And many of us have intensely personal reasons for feeling that way.

There is another wrong-headed approach to immigration that we must challenge.

And this is the fantasy approach.

It is sheer fantasy to say that we can give a home to anyone who wants to come here.

Currently, there are an estimated 80 million displaced people around the world.

As I have said before, our asylum system is fundamentally broken.

It is so unwieldy that the costs of the system have sky-rocketed to more than ÂŁ1 billion this year.

Our New Plan for Immigration is key to fixing it.

It will improve the routes available to those in need, so they don’t have to put their lives in the hands of people smugglers.

Refugees who make their home here will be given support – more support to integrate into the community, learn English, and become self-sufficient.

I want them not just to survive. I want them to thrive.

British nationality law has not changed since 1983 and it is now full of anomalies.

Under my plan, the Home Secretary will be able to grant citizenship in compelling and exceptional circumstances where someone has suffered historical unfairness beyond their control.

We are also taking action so that the Windrush generation are not prevented from qualifying for British citizenship because, through no fault of their own, they were unable to return to the UK and meet residence requirements.

Immigration practices and processes of successive governments badly let down the Windrush generation. I am utterly determined that this should not happen again.

And we will fix the injustice which prevents a child from acquiring their father’s citizenship if their mother was married to someone else at the time of their birth.

My hands will no longer be tied, by an out of date broken system.

Our plan will reduce the incentives for people to come here illegally, thereby removing the opportunity for criminal gangs to profit.

Allowing these repugnant gangs to continue to line their pockets is morally wrong and against our national interest.

The profits they make fuel other terrible crimes including modern slavery and extreme violence.

They use the same routes and methods to smuggle guns and drugs on to our streets.

And we are coming after these gangs.

Those responsible for these heinous crimes will face the full force of the law, with new maximum life sentences for people smugglers.

Since the start of 2020 we have secured more than 65 small boat related prosecutions totalling over 53 years in custodial sentences.

Despite those who want to maintain the status quo – we will continue to enhance our operational efforts against them, with greater powers for Border Force to stop small boats.

Small boat detections reached record levels last summer.

As this summer approaches and the weather improves, more people will be encouraged to make these dangerous crossings.

Just last week we have seen thousands of migrants entering the Spanish territory of Ceuta. Every day people are putting their lives at risk getting in small boats to cross the Mediterranean.

There is a desperate need to reform the global approach to ensure protection for those genuinely fleeing persecution – so they can find sanctuary in the first safe country – rather than place their lives in the hands of people smugglers.

The UK will provide leadership and do everything we can to prevent more lives being lost.

The next strand of our plan is about speeding up the removal of those with no legal right to be in the UK.

For too long, we have been frustrated by those who know how to play the system.

More than 10,000 foreign national offenders remain in the UK.

Among that number are individuals who have committed serious crimes, including murder and rape.

Since the start of the year, we have removed more than 800 foreign national offenders.

But there is much more to do. And we are taking further action.

I have a message to those who seek to disrupt the efforts of our enforcement officers.

They should think about whether their actions may be preventing murderers, rapists and high harm offenders from being removed from our communities – and they should think long and hard about the victims of these crimes.

We will not allow such disruption to prevail.

Dismissing public concern about this state of affairs is monstrous.

Refusing to deal with it would be a gross dereliction of duty.

Enough is enough.

We are listening to the British people and we will deliver for them.

And as set out in the Queen’s Speech, we will bring forward legislation to put the new plan for immigration into effect.

The British people want an immigration system that is fair.

And finally, politicians have caught up with them.

As we shape our reformed immigration policy, it is fair, rational, and right that we think about the skills our country needs to flourish.

The people have spoken: they wanted us to end free movement – and we have.

At the start of this year, we delivered one of the biggest shifts in our approach for decades, implementing a new points-based Immigration system.

As a member of the European Union, the accidentally said EU could not control who came to this country to live and work.

Now we can prioritise skill and talent over where someone comes from.

We know that high-skilled migration helps foster innovation – that’s important for the UK’s economic growth.

The unprecedented and devasting pandemic has made this need all the greater – and of course the government has acted.

We have removed the cap on skilled workers and granted free visa extensions for thousands of frontline health workers and their dependents.

As society opens up and we look forward to brighter days, our immigration system will play an important role.

Attracting the most qualified people from overseas will enable us to build back better and stronger.

And yes, we want employers to train and invest in our domestic workforce.

But we know that they always need access to global talent.

This is why the system is designed to keep the UK at the forefront of innovation.

We are introducing bespoke routes to enable more students, scientists, academics, investors, and entrepreneurs to come here.

Our global talent route for leaders in science, engineering, digital technology, medicine, humanities, arts, and culture is already thriving.

And recent reforms mean that prestigious prize-winners can fast-track the endorsement process and make a single visa application.

We provided and promised a simpler sponsorship process for skilled workers – and we have delivered.

Our immigration system must let us respond quickly and effectively to world events.

It worked very well in our response to the draconian national security laws imposed on Hong Kong by the Chinese Government.

In recognition of the UK’s unique obligations towards those with British Nationality Overseas status, we created the BN(O) visa.

This opened for applications at the end of January. And within weeks, we launched a digital route for BN(O)s to submit their biometrics and validate their identity using a digital app.

Global Britain will always stand up for what is right and uphold our commitments – and this new route underlines that.

This is how a flexible and modern immigration system should work.

Far from turning away from the world, we are forging ever closer links with international partners.

And Global Britain isn’t just a slogan – it’s a philosophy that underpins everything we do.

Earlier this month, I signed a ground-breaking agreement with India.

It tackles illegal migration, both in the UK and in India, accelerating the process of those who have no legal right to stay.

But it also gives opportunities for thousands of British and Indian citizens to live and work legally in each other’s countries.

This agreement shows the way forward as we strive for a new gold-standard for immigration – one which is both fair and firm.

The EU Settlement Scheme is another success story for this government.

We all remember the dire warnings about our ability to deliver.

Our opponents even said that we had no intention of doing so.

But we have delivered.

As of the end of April, the Scheme had received more than 5.4 million applications and concluded more than 5.1 million.

There have been more than 4.9 grants of status.

And with just over a month left until the deadline to apply, our message to EU citizens and their families remains the same: we value your contribution to our country immensely and we want you to stay.

We have made substantial progress.

But we are relentless in pursuit of improvements to our society and security.

So today I have published a statement outlining our strategy for legal migration and border control.

It is underpinned by a clear ambition:

To put in place the world’s most effective border system.

One that enables and supports growth and prosperity for the United Kingdom.

One that is simple to understand and operate.

The system will prioritise public protection by making our borders more secure.

Those who play by the rules and seek to come to our country legally will encounter a system that is straightforward and fair.

British people will have confidence that the strongest controls are in place.

There will be a seamless experience for people coming to the UK for legitimate purposes.

As Home Secretary, my number one priority is the safety of the British public.

Security is at the very heart of our New Plan for Immigration

This year, we will end the use of insecure ID cards for people to enter our country and we will apply tougher UK criminality rules.

We are working on further reforms, including Electronic Travel Authorisations, as part of a simpler and more secure, universal permissions to travel requirement.

Our new plan will make it easier to identify potential threats before they reach the border, through targeted and effective interventions from co-ordinated multi-agency operations.

Our new fully digital border will provide the ability to count people in and Count people out of the country.

We will have a far clearer picture of who is here and whether they should be – and will act when they are not.

To the question – what’s next for immigration – the answer is wholescale reform of the system.

Anything short of that would not be fair, would not keep our country safe, and would not meet the demands of the British people I serve.

They want a new system that works for the law-abiding majority and against those who abuse our hospitality and generosity.

One that welcomes those most in need of sanctuary and one that slams the door on dangerous criminals.

One that attracts top talent from around the world.

Our immigration system is broken – and we will fix it.

We will ensure it reflects the values and the wishes of the majority of Britons.

I know they are welcoming and open-minded.

I know they want an approach to immigration that is fair but firm.

And – at long last – they finally have one.

The keynote speech was live-streamed and followed by a Q&A session. The recording of the speech is available here.

The Rt Hon Priti Patel MP is the Secretary of State for the Home Department.

The Rt Hon Christopher Pincher MP: The centre-right case for social housing

By Home, Speeches

2020 has undoubtedly been and continues to be one of the most challenging and difficult years in living memory.

While Covid-19 has wrought heavy blows on our economy and our society, the British people have also shown incredible courage, resilience and bravery in tackling this pandemic and protecting the most vulnerable.

It is important to recognise all that we have achieved together in our battle against this pandemic



local government, homelessness charities and central Government coming together and working at an extraordinary pace to house nearly 15,000 vulnerable people, including rough sleepers and the homeless.

We have also protected renters during this pandemic by banning evictions for six months – the longest eviction ban in the UK history.

Earlier this month, we announced an increase of notice periods to six months – an unprecedented measure to help keep people in their homes over the winter


And we have learnt a lot together during this crisis – not least how absolutely vital our homes and our communities are to our well-being and our happiness.

We cannot hide the fact that for many people living in poor and cramped accommodation, with limited parks or green spaces nearby, this pandemic has been especially difficult.

I believe we all want to see Britain emerging as a stronger, fairer country as we recover from Covid-19.

That is what underpins this Government’s ambition to build back better and deliver the high-quality homes including social housing this country needs.

 

Council Housing

If we are serious about fulfilling our manifesto promise to build a million new homes within the term of this Parliament, then we simply must build private, public, social and mixed housing of all tenures.

As a centre-right Government, we want people to get on the housing ladder but  are unapologetic in saying that we do want to make it easier for councils to build social and affordable housing.

That is why we have abolished the Housing Revenue Account borrowing cap and introduced a lower interest rate for new loans issued by the Public Works Loan Board.

I also acknowledge that during these unprecedented times, there are significant financial pressures on local authorities which are holding them back from realising their own housing ambitions.

Therefore, in order to support local house-building, we have extended the deadline for councils to spend Right to Buy receipts by an additional 6 months.

This will enable councils to catch up with their spending plans and deliver replacement social housing.

And it is not just councils who are directly benefitting from our reforms in this area.

Social landlords will also be better off as a result of our longer-term rent deal for 5 years which came into force in April of this year.

This will enable them to charge rents of up to CPI +1% per annum, providing a more stable investment environment to deliver new homes for the future.

 

A New Deal for Social Housing

But we know that we can go much further and much faster in building and improving the next generation of social housing in this country.

And this is not just a numbers game; it is about dramatically increasing the quality of social housing as well as the quantity.

No-one should feel unsafe in the place where they and their loved ones sleep.

And nor should they feel stigmatised, struggle to be heard, or be denied opportunity and dignity because they live in social housing.

The tragedy of the Grenfell Tower fire in 2017 was as much of a wake-up call on these issues as on safety. Gone are the days of the 1940/50s soulless estates.

We have already made changes to improve the lives of residents of social housing by investing in the delivery of new homes and clamping down on the segregation of social housing in new developments.

My department is also working closely with landlords and residents to improve engagement on important safety issues.

We want to build on these achievements through publishing a social housing White Paper later year.

This follows our Green Paper which proposed nothing short of “A new deal for social housing”.

The White Paper  which will led led by Kelly Tolhurst will set out additional measures to truly empower tenants, provide greater redress, better regulation, improve the quality of social housing and support the continued supply of social homes.

It will also include the outcome of the review on social housing regulations so that the regulatory framework remains fit for purpose, reflects changes in the sector, and concentrates focus on delivering the best possible service for residents.

 

Affordable Homes Programme

So, we are fulfilling our promise to improve the quality of social housing but we’re also solving the decades-long problem of demand consistently outstripping supply.

And that has resulted in a terrible chain reaction


From the number of homeless families 
.


to skyrocketing rents in densely populated towns and cities.

Nowhere is that issue more acute than in London where the knock-on effect of undersupply has been young people and low-income workers spending north of 50% of their salary on rent.

That has to change. Everyone has to do more including London’s Mayor.

Which is why, we launched the new ÂŁ11.5bn Affordable Homes Programme.

Economic conditions permitting, it will deliver a game-changing 180,000 affordable homes.

This includes the provision of affordable homes and social rent homes.

10% of delivery will also be used to increase the supply of much needed specialist and supported housing too – helping individuals and families who need this kind of housing the most.

Importantly, the programme offers a helping hand to those who might feel that owning a home is out of reach.

Approximately 50% of the homes delivered will be for affordable home ownership.

What’s more, the vast majority of these homes will be available through the new model of Shared Ownership.

It will vastly reduce the minimum initial share you can buy in a property from 25% to 10% while allowing people to buy additional shares in their own home in 1% instalments, with heavily reduced fees.

It will also introduce a 10-year period for new shared owners where the landlord will cover the cost of any repairs and maintenance.

These are measures which give a people a much greater stake – literally – in their own homes and their own communities while helping them build a more equitable and prosperous future.

 

Modern Methods of Construction 

And to address the issue of under-supply, I believe it’s vital that we continue to bring new and innovative ideas to the table in support of delivering more beautifully designed homes at pace.

Modern Methods of construction have completely changed the game in terms of productivity and build speed across a range of sectors in the UK and I want to see the same happen in social housing.

We have already embedded MMC in our housing programmes, such as the Local Authority Accelerated Construction programme and the Home Building Fund.

However, we’re pushing to go even further by setting a minimum target for the use of MMC in the new Affordable Homes Programme while introducing new measures to help providers build a pipeline of consistent supply.

We’re already seeing some great examples of local authorities harnessing the benefits of MMC, including Barnet Homes – and that is not a typo don’t worry – I do mean Barnet Homes in North London – which has submitted plans for 47 affordable homes in Edgware’s Broadfields Estate.

These are homes which can be built quickly, while using heat recovery for heating, instead of gas-central heating, making them highly sustainable.

Their approach aims to bring a greater standardisation of components to reach economies of scale.

And at a national level, we have seen that exact same method used in the Department for Education’s Seismic Programme to reduce the build cost for a new school by 25%.

I want to see this same level of innovation employed by local authorities and developers across the country.

It is through embracing MMC and taking advantage of new and emerging technologies that housing associations and councils will be able to deliver a new generation of sustainable and affordable homes. Such as I saw at Jaywick Sands in Essex with Giles Watling earlier this summer.

 

Conclusion

The supply of good quality, affordable housing lies at the very heart of this Government’s moral mission to unite and level up the country as we recover from the worst effects of Covid-19.

It is incumbent upon all of us to recognise that where we go to sleep at night has a very real and lasting effect on so many aspects of our lives.

It affects where children go to school, the air that we all breathe, where we relax and exercise and how long it takes us to commute to work.

The reforms and wider policies we’re implementing are designed to break that inequality cycle for good through:


dramatically ramping up the supply of housing including social housing



 improving the quality of social housing



resetting the relationship between social tenants and their landlords.


 and implementing an Affordable Homes Programme which allows people to use their social housing as a springboard to opportunity and future prosperity.  As Patrick McLoughlin’s story teaches us.

The centre-right, one nation Governments of this country have a track record on social housing to be proud of


From the Housing Acts of the post-war Churchill and Macmillan Governments which raised subsidies to councils for publicly funded building



right through to the Governments of the present day where we have increased the overall social housing stock by over 100,000 after it had fallen by 420,000 between 1997 and 2010.

Let us now look to the future with optimism and determination, mindful that these difficult times have made us rethink, in so many ways, how we live and how we want to live.

We have an opportunity now to not just build back but to build back in smarter and more effective ways



to deliver the right homes in the right places to those who need them the most



to build back better so that every single person in this country, no matter where they’re from, what they do, or how much money they earn, lives in a house which is decent, safe and secure – a house which they’re proud to call home.

 

Thank you

 

The keynote speech was live-streamed and followed by a Q&A session. The recording of the speech will be posted shortly.

The Rt Hon Christopher Pincher is the Minister of State for Housing.

Bim Afolami MP: Beyond Thatcher – a new conservative economic policy

By Home, Speeches

Beyond Thatcher – a new conservative economic policy

Covid-19 gives us the chance to examine deeper questions about the nature and direction of economic policy, the second seismic economic event in 12 years.  In June, I published a report called Unlock Britain, which set out ten ways in which we can help our economy recover.  But these were practical policy measures rather than a broad philosophical framework.  Quite simply, I believe it is time to have a re-think of our economic philosophy as a Conservative Party, and rediscover some fundamental Conservative principles – which are, and always have been, much broader than support for market economics.  We need to embrace an active Enterprising State, reformed and reforming, that can help drive an Enterprise Nation forward. And one with strong environmental credentials, which can deliver an Everlasting Environment.    

We are currently still in an economic era that began in the early 1980’s, led by Reagan and Thatcher (though copied by most Western countries), and progressed with a high degree of apparent success until the financial crisis of 2008/9, and which has been stumbling on since then.  Some things have been nagging at me for a long time.  If our current model works well, then why have the growth rates in the West been significantly lower over the last 30 years then they were for the previous 30?  Why is wealth inequality growing despite huge investments in education and social mobility programmes over recent generations?  Covid-19 is the second time in the last 12 years when the Government has had to make significant interventions into the market economy in order to ameliorate the potential for and consequences of widespread economic collapse.  The Government has been paying the wages, directly, for millions of people.  It has effectively nationalised the railways.  It has delivered the deepest government intervention in the economy for generations.  How is this sustainable with an economic philosophy where free markets are seen as a good in itself and state action is regarded as inherently unwelcome, and where a balanced budget is the goal for any Conservative Chancellor?  

Much of current Conservative economic thinking was set in the Thatcherite revolution, succinctly described by Nigel Lawson in 1984 as “increasing freedom for markets to work within a framework of firm monetary and fiscal discipline”.  I agree with that and believe that articulates a simple truth at the heart of macroeconomics which is still true.  However, in the Queen’s Speech debate in 1979 after her famous election victory, Margaret Thatcher declared that she had won a “watershed election” in which the public had voted “for the individual and against government”.  I think that the country was very fortunate to have the Thatcher Government elected in 1979, and the years that followed transformed the health of the British economy.  Today I believe that we need to be more ambitious for high growth, achieved by high innovation, than we have been for a very long time.  But I doubt today if the right way to achieve that is to be “against Government”.  Indeed, as John Micklethwait and Adrian Wooldridge explain in their timely new book, The Wake Up Call, Thatcher “did more to change the debate about the state than she changed the state itself”. 

The greatness of Thatcher was not ideological.  It was because she was radical in reaching solutions for the economic problems of that time.  She did not look to the Churchill, Eden and Macmillan governments and regard any change from their policies as un-Conservative.  She looked at the situation anew, and adapted Conservative principles of freedom, opportunity, self – reliance and prosperity on the basis of hard work, to the problems of her time.  We need to do the same today.  We need an active Enterprising State, to help power an Enterprise Nation.  

Conservative thinking on economic policy has become muddled in recent years.  We profess to believe in a balanced budget, but we do not want to reduce government spending.  We often talk about reducing bureaucracy and regulations – yet our tax code continues to become more complicated and the quangocracy goes from strength to strength.  The call for government to “get out of the way” is a common one on the Tory benches, but we call for government action to deal with any problem that arises anywhere across the country.  We believe in devolution, yet the Treasury keeps its iron grip on infrastructure decisions.  We need to be clear what and who we are for and show how timeless Conservative principles also apply to our new age.  

The economy should benefit the person with ideas rather than inheritance – the fundamental Conservative message of equality of opportunity.  It should support families and communities rather than allowing multinationals to rip them apart in the name of free markets – the fundamental Conservative belief in the importance of family and small communities as the bedrock of society.  It should help the British business grow and scale here at home – being true to our historic Conservative commitment to the small business.  Finally, as climate change worsens, we should aim to make the UK the cleanest economy in the world, truly a Conservative act, conserving our green and pleasant land for our descendants.   

The major economic problems

I believe that there are five principal, significant, long term economic problems in the UK, and that Conservative economic thinking needs to provide a sensible response to them.

Investment and productivity

Over the past decade or so, interest rates have been cut to practically zero, corporation tax has been cut to its lowest levels ever, and profits of companies (and their cash piles) are at record highs.  According to traditional liberal economic thinking, this is what should be done in order to significantly increase economic growth, create a flourishing economy and enable animal spirits to take charge.  So why is private investment and productivity growth so low?  

There is little doubt that we are in the new technological age, the Fourth Industrial Revolution.  The economic future of our country will, in large part, depend on how we harness our advantages and skills in this area.  Andy Haldane, the Chief Economist at the Bank of England, set out his thinking on this question in a speech given in June 2018.  His conclusion is that our productivity problem is not that the UK lacks for innovative, high productivity companies.  The issue is that “the productivity gap between the top- and bottom-performing companies is materially larger in the UK than in France, Germany or the US.  In the services sector, the gap between the top- and bottom-performing 10% of companies is 80% larger in the UK than in our international competitors”.  The UK’s international productivity gap is, to a large degree, a long tail problem. 

Despite ranking consistently in the top 5 for innovation, the UK ranks only 38th globally for knowledge diffusion.  Haldane’s thesis is that one of the principal ways for the UK to finally conquer the productivity issue is to significantly improve the diffusion of technological knowledge and understanding within sectors and regions in the UK – to reach the long tail of firms which are technologically behind their peers in the UK and around the world.  Levelling up needs to happen within the private sector, across all regions and sectors of the economy.  Unless we do this, our economic performance will continue to lag our competitors.   

Too much debt and not enough equity

The government’s response to the coronavirus crisis was stellar.  As a constituency MP I know the relief of literally hundreds of business owners in my constituency who still appreciate the financial assistance made available to them.  However, debt – however cheaply provided – has to be paid back at some point.  Corporate debt was extremely high even before the coronavirus crisis, and has risen sharply as a result of the government’s loan schemes.  City UK and EY, working with others across the financial sector in what is known as the Recapitalisation Group, estimate that c.ÂŁ100 billion could arise in unsustainable debt by March 2021.  A third of that debt was incurred as a result of the government’s Covid lending schemes, and SMEs incur roughly half of the total unsustainable debt.  Regions outside of London could be particularly hard hit, given that c.75% of unsustainable debt is held outside London.

Why does this matter?  It matters because this unsustainable debt challenge poses a real threat to UK jobs.  It is estimated that a third of the 2.3 million businesses who will have a CBILS or bounceback loan by March 2021 will struggle to repay their debt back.  Even within the 2/3 of businesses that will be able to pay the debt back, their growth – over the long term – will be significantly impaired by their need to do so, and consequently the ability of the UK to recover quickly will be severely curtailed.

It is important for people to know that this is a long term problem.  Excessive debt and not enough equity are huge problems for our SMEs.  The volume of SME equity finance has long been very low by European standard, about £10 billion per annum.  In addition, this small amount of equity is heavily skewed towards London, with c.75% of SME equity investment being made in London.  The lack of equity investment stops UK SMEs reaching their potential, encourages them often to sell their companies earlier than they might otherwise, and that is a significant problem for our economy.

Fiscal challenge

You will rarely find a Conservative politician, including myself, who does not argue for lower taxes.  We know that high taxes inhibit freedom, limit economic growth, and in a moral and philosophical sense they offend us as Conservatives – high taxes mean that you take home less from what you have generated through your own hard work and effort.  Yet we also believe in sensible government finances.  Either taxes or borrowing pay for things that government spends money on.  And we know that excessive borrowing is just deferred taxation for future generations.  Coupled with these points is the fact that the long term fiscal outlook for the UK is terrifying – like that for most developed economies.  We have a rapidly ageing population – by 2066 26% of the population is projected to be aged 65 and over, compared to 18% in 2016 (and 12% in 1966).   A recent IFS report states that official projections imply that if all of the demographic and other pressures were accommodated through increasing public spending, health and pensions would increase as a share of non-debt interest spending from nearly a third in 2015–16 to 45% by 2066–67 (with non-debt interest spending increasing from 38.0% to 43.8% of national income).  I make this point simply to show clearly that the demands on the public purse are going to grow significantly in the coming decades.  And in these numbers I have not included any of the debt specifically taken on to deal with the Covid – 19 fallout, which I believe should be separated on the government’s balance sheet and paid off separately over an extremely long time horizon.  

We are going to need a great increase in economic dynamism, which leads to economic growth.  This is the only way to materially improve our prosperity as a society.   However, in order to retain international confidence, we will need to set out a credible medium term fiscal strategy which ensures that the UK government still believes in fiscal discipline, especially as the demands on government spending continue to increase.  That will mean that some taxes will be cut in order to stimulate growth and activity, which mean those tax cuts can generate extra revenue.  But this is not an absolute rule, and other taxes, at some point, will have to rise, and this will have to be done in a way that does not damage entrepreneurship, innovation or international investment into the UK.    

Growth matters, but that growth needs to reach everywhere

In Peter Hennessy’s recent book “Winds of Change”, he publishes an extract from a Cabinet paper written by Harold Macmillan to his Cabinet on 3 December 1962, entitled the “Modernisation of Britain”.  Macmillan wrote that there were two fundamental things that needed doing.  The first was that Britain needed to “increase our productivity”, and the second was to “rectify the imbalance between the north and south”.  Ladies and gentlemen, the problems of the British economy are not new.  

Regional imbalance has been a long running structural problem for our economy and society.  Despite the launch of at least 40 geographic policy initiatives over the last five decades, the UK remains one of the most regionally unbalanced developed economies.  In a recent EY report, they state that between 1997 and 2019, the share of the UK economy accounted for by the four most southerly regions increased from 60% to 63% in this period.  We need to ask ourselves, is the way out of our problems to continue with our highly centralised mode of decision making?  Or is it to enable regions and cities to use more local levers to thrive?    

Dealing with climate change is not a choice, it is a necessity

Regardless or not whether you are interested in climate change, if you are on this planet climate change is interested in you.  The economic impact of achieving our net zero target by 2050 is large.  The Committee on Climate Change thinks that the cost will be £50 billion per year, and BEIS puts the cost at £70 billion per year.  It will require wholesale changes in industry, transport, farming, heating, building, and many more.  This is a colossal task.

Climate change would merit a speech all by itself, but I will say this.  The only way that we have a chance of cutting carbon emissions sufficiently quickly, without harming the fabric of our society, is to decarbonise extremely quickly.  Electrify practically everything that can be electrified, as soon as possible, and invest in a colossal amount of renewable energy.  Principally the impact will be felt in industry, energy generation and transport, but it will affect every sector.  To do this will need immense amounts of private sector ingenuity, but the private sector will not be able to make the transition fast enough without a lot of assistance, both financial and legislative, from the British government.

What shall we do about it?

I have briefly set out the economic problems of the 2020’s – (i) Poor investment and productivity growth; (ii) too much SME debt and too little equity; (iii) long term fiscal problem; (iv) unbalanced growth – the need to level up if you will; and (v) climate change.  To deal with these we should continue to bear in mind Lawson’s dictum – “increasing freedom for markets to work within a framework of firm monetary and fiscal discipline”.  But we need to go further than that.  And do so in a coherent way so the country, and the Conservative Party, knows where we are going.  We need an Enterprising State and an Enterprise Nation.  

An Enterprising State

Central government needs to be a macro – enabler.  It needs to use its clout, and broad strategic oversight, to enable the private sector and other, devolved parts of the public sector, to do transformative things.  First of all, there is no future for the UK without greater and more effective investment in skills.  Skills from cradle to grave.  The government should continue to find ways to continue improving our record in that respect, like the idea of lifelong loan accounts, proposed by this thinktank, Bright Blue.

The Government has set out its clear intention to build and deliver much more and better infrastructure.  As somebody who has moaned about this for years, I completely support that objective.  Yet the way for us to achieve it cannot be for the Treasury to control every single infrastructure decision of any consequence, because of their lock on the money.  We need much more private investment in infrastructure, and there are many ideas of how to do this – my colleague Gareth Davies MP has done a lot of good thinking in this area for example.  We need to allow many more development corporations to be set up for the purpose of delivering infrastructure, using innovative financing models that allow money to be raised locally – and that do not depend on the approval of HM Treasury.  This will also allow experimentation which will benefit the country as a whole as different areas see new ways of doing things.  And they will do so whilst having the power to raise revenue locally in order to do so; this will make them accountable for their decisions at a very local level.

My brilliant colleague John Penrose MP has long been arguing for a UK Sovereign Wealth Fund.  I strongly endorse the idea.  

It would create a pot of savings that could pay for state pensions and benefits. Building slowly over time, the Fund would provide an intergenerationally fair solution that would take some of the burden of these costs from being shouldered by future generations.  It would create an ‘anchor investor’ for British entrepreneurs and start-ups, making it easier for innovators to transform their ideas into strong businesses, and would create a source of funding for long-term investment capital.  New cutting-edge technologies can be funded so they can easily scale up without moving abroad, keeping jobs and wealth in the UK.  

It could also help provide equity to UK SMEs who have too much debt in order to grow, helping them to power forward our economy, an idea which was in my Unlock Britain paper in June, and has been supported by figures like Jim O’Neill and the Recapitalisation Group led by Sir Adrian Montague.  This equity would help underpin the Union, with UK Sovereign Wealth Fund equity being offered to businesses from all across Scotland, Northern Ireland, Wales and all the different regions of England.  

How would the Sovereign Wealth Fund be seeded?  There are several ‘investment acorns’ which need to be planted in order to grow the Fund.  Firstly, the Fund should be made the legal owner of existing and future state-owned commercial investment funds, like those held in the British Business Bank.  The Fund should also be made the legal owner of state-owned land and property, managing and investing the profits from leases on behalf of taxpayers.  In addition, like with other countries with Sovereign Wealth Funds, this Fund should have the rights to all future mining and extraction, whether it’s of gravel for building, lithium in Cornwall or mineral deposits that haven’t yet been discovered.  The National Fund, which is currently worth just over £500m, should be used to start the Fund, in addition to a one off capital injection from the Treasury of at least £5 billion to help start the Recovery Fund.  Finally, lest the fund be at risk from the sticky fingers of politicians in the future by, it should be set up with a heavyweight board of Trustees like the Bank of England, to maintain its independence.

Underpinning all of this, an Enterprising State would need to improve the quality of our civil servants and our MPs and ministers.  As John Micklethwait and Adrian Wooldridge explain in their timely new book, The Wake Up Call, “serious debate about how to reform government in the West has ground to a halt” of late.  We need to change this.  As Michael Gove set out in his Ditchley Lecture this summer, “there are a limited number, even in the Senior Civil Service, who have qualifications or expertise in mathematical, statistical and probability questions – which are essential to public policy decisions.  That means we need to reform not just recruitment, but training”.  I agree.  I believe the Enterprising State needs to create a new National School of Administration, similar to the French ENA.  From its establishment, any entrant into the senior civil service would need to (i) pass through it, and (ii) spend at least two years working in local government or a devolved assembly.  This would give our senior civil servants a much better ability to deliver the sort of Enterprising State that we will need to flourish.  And all politicians would have to undergo a course at the school before commencing any new ministerial post.

However, regardless of the ability of the politicians and civil servants at central government, Enterprising State cannot be governed by command and control from Whitehall.  We need to give local areas and cities the ability to experiment with different ways of doing things, to learn from their own experiences and from each other.  The only way to achieve that in a sustainable fashion is a full devolution settlement throughout the whole UK.  This should have two aspects – both of which will have significant economic impact and will help spread growth and opportunity – to “level up”.  

The first is that all regions, not just metropolitan areas, need to have a greater degree of fiscal autonomy.  We should allow regions to (i) raise local income taxes, sales taxes and tourism taxes (all up to a limit); (ii) make more decisions on infrastructure autonomously to allow them to give private companies to ability to build and operate new pieces of infrastructure, and allow the private sector to recoup the costs directly; and (iii) give local public services much more freedom on procurement – to allow them to give local government contracts to more local businesses.

The second aspect is that the Enterprising State needs to remember that economic growth and success can often come from investment in non – economic things by local people themselves.  For example, investing in a village hall, local library, or local green spaces may not have an ostensible economic benefit, but improving the local environment of a village or small town can have incalculable improvements to the lives of those who live there, keep them there, and can attract new business and investment.  The Enterprising State needs to give freedom to local regions to invest in their own areas and their own communities – they know what they need to do.  My erudite and thoughtful colleague Danny Kruger in particular has championed this agenda, and I join him in doing so.  This freedom can only come if they are given genuine revenue raising powers.

Enterprise Nation

We Conservatives know that prosperity does not fundamentally come from government.  It comes from people willing to start and sustain a business.  High quality innovative businesses are not just always “there”; we need to nurture and encourage new entrepreneurs, to try and turn their idea into a business, so they can provide for themselves, their families and offer jobs to people in their community.  Too often the government seems to take the small businessman or woman for granted, trying to find ways to increase taxes and allow more and more regulations to make their lives difficult.  We need to make setting up and scaling a business easier, and provide more direct financial incentives for those who do so.  We should reduce NI for new hires, and keep taxes for the self – employed low (or indeed lower them further).  We should also maintain the difference between capital taxes and income taxes – capital taxes should be low because it reflects those who have taken risks, created opportunities and wealth, and they should be rewarded for that.  Coupled with measures to help UK entrepreneurs, the Government needs to strengthen our offer to international investors so that they can invest in Britain.  The Government’s new Office for Talent will be a fantastic innovation, which helps encourage more highly able and qualified people to move to the UK, and I would encourage the Government to strengthen that offer further by trying to encourage successful businesspeople from abroad to situate their business, or even part of their business, in the UK.

The progress of mankind is marked by the rise of new technologies and the human ingenuity they unlock.  The central government should work with the private sector to help the UK’s technological landscape.  Let me give you an example.

In distributed ledger technology, known by many as blockchain, we may be witnessing one of those potential explosions of creative potential that catalyse exceptional levels of innovation. We should follow the recommendations of the then Government Chief Scientific Officer Sir Mark Walport in 2016 and establish a Centre for Distributed Systems here in the UK.  The centre would be established and sponsored by government (it would cost about £10m in total to establish), but closely supported and co-invested by industry and would allow a lot of collaboration.  It would have two principal priorities – a utility trade platform and a SME data and finance hub.   

On trade, the platform would be an environment that anyone wishing to trade out of or into the UK could approach.  An entity wanting to trade would no longer have to establish trust in their data, physical supply, financial probity etc through a series of bilateral relationships with a number of different bodies.  Instead, all the data necessary for all those actors would be generated at the point the relevant contract is established.  This could be transformative in delivering more resilient, frictionless and efficient UK supply chains, and the UK tech sector is well positioned to provide logistics, financial and data technology services to the international market.  In time, it could make a significant contribution to this government’s priorities – improving the UK’s growth, productivity and international competitiveness. 

For the national SME data and finance hub, it could help in both the short term recovery period and address the more systemic issues of access to debt and equity capital.  By bringing together our world leading Fintech sector, encouraging competition in financial services and enabling better use of financial data, the Hub would enable automated access by lenders, equity providers and SMEs themselves for all relevant data points.  Easy access and much greater choice on funding options for SMEs would encourage competition between the Fintech and incumbent sector, and this would drop the cost of finance significantly for SMEs.  As the Hub would be so data – driven, there would be a facility for the behavioural profile of all participators to build up over time so that trust and creditworthiness can accumulate – leading to better and faster decisions by finance provider and SME alike. 

[Pause]

The most fundamental Conservative instinct is to look after the world for the next generation and build an Everlasting Environment.  Now we need an Enterprise Nation to take that impulse and turbocharge it into radical policy to deal with the looming spectre of climate change.  The ingenuity of the private sector is the only way to invent the technologies that will help us continue to become more prosperous and continue with our way of life.  However, in order to get the change we need, and make that change fast enough, we will need the Enterprising State to play its role.    

In essence the state’s role should be focused on two aspects.  First, the government needs to continue to issue binding targets for decarbonisation in key areas like electric vehicles, and give more targets across different areas of the economy.  The second aspect is for the public sector to provide, and to help corral the private sector to provide, the finance required for every aspect of decarbonisation.  This finance will be needed to help ensure that there are very few barriers for individuals, communities and businesses which prevent them transitioning into a low carbon future.  There would almost certainly need to be tax rises in certain areas to help both raise revenue and to change behaviours, but hopefully these would be short lived as the transition came into effect.  Lubricated by this finance, which will be facilitated by the best financial services industry in the world in the City of London, inventors and innovators will be able to take advantage of the UK’s position as the first major country to turbocharge our approach to net zero and export their technologies across the world.  This could be transformative for the UK, and the jobs created across all industries will be created all over the country, at different skill levels.  Levelling up to save the planet.  And Britain can lead the way.

Conclusion

There is a lot here.  Thank you for staying with me.  I know, despite the length of this speech, that there are many things that I have not discussed at length.  

What I have tried to do here is to sketch out a new economic vision for the Conservative Party.  To build on the achievements of the past 30 years, by addressing our modern weaknesses – weaknesses mostly shared by our international competitors.  We have every chance of leading in the world in a new type of Conservative economics just as we did in the 1980’s.  All to ensure a prosperous future for Britain.  An Enterprising State.  An Enterprise Nation. An Everlasting Environment. 

The keynote speech was followed by a Q&A session.

Bim Afolami is the Member of Parliament for Hitchin and Harpenden.

The Rt Hon Lord Goldsmith: A green recovery

By Home, Speeches

It’s good to be able to join you today.

It was a pleasure to be part of Bright Blue’s Global Green Giant report – and I encourage everyone to read the wonderful collection of essays too. It’s an important piece of work.

Today is literally one year since I first stepped foot into my office as a minister – and found myself on the other side of the door I’d been bashing away at for years as a backbencher and before that a campaigner.

I’ve committed virtually my whole life to campaigning on environmental and conservation issues.

And so the role I was given by the PM was exhilarating. International environment and conservation, climate change and forests. And domestically the addition of animal welfare.

And being given three departmental hats to wear – DEFRA, DFiD and more recently the FCO – is an important reflection of the PM’s view that the environment isn’t just a box to tick in one corner of government – it is a thread that should run through our entire approach.

And I think it is one of the most important jobs of all.

Because although climate change and environmental destruction are unlikely to be the most immediate or direct concern for most people if they are asked – they are nevertheless the greatest threat to our families and indeed our species – and they are the greatest challenge we face, by far.

 

As with all speeches nowadays, the backdrop is Covid-19.

Because its impacts have been profound and because it affects everything.

It has exposed our vulnerabilities on many levels.

It is also a brutal reminder that despite our extraordinary cleverness as a species – we too often lack the wisdom to temper that cleverness.

We have long known for example that the majority of new infectious diseases are zoonotic 
 from HIV to Ebola, from SARS to Avian Flu – yet we have never really done anything to reduce or mitigate that risk.

On the contrary through our mistreatment of the natural world, we continue to great the ideal conditions for more such pandemics to come.

And it is also a wake up call. Not just in the narrow context of diseases. It goes much further than that.

Covid is itself a symptom of our abusive approach towards the natural world. But it’s just one of those symptoms.

Appalling though this experience has been for so many families and people around the world – the brutal truth is that it will be dwarfed by the effects of climate change and environmental degradation – unless we act fast and decisively.

 

Just look at where we are today.

In my lifetime – the blink of an eye in evolutionary terms – populations of animals, on average, have more than halved.

Right now, there are around a million species facing extinction.

Almost two thirds of our coastal wetlands are lost.

In June, the mercury rose to 38C in a small town in Siberia.

If the next 60 minutes or so that we will spend together are representative, then we will have lost around 1,800 football pitches worth of forest by the time the session ends.

In fact this year could be even worse.

In the first four months of 2020, deforestation in the Amazon rainforest for instance was about 50% higher than the same period last year.

The news just keeps rolling in.

Only a couple of weeks ago, the IUCN warned that species from African primates to North Atlantic whales are fading under the mounting pressure.

The IPCC, IPBES, the Global Commission on Adaptation, Professor Dasgupta’s review – they all tell the same sombre story.

Our ocean meanwhile is being choked with so much rubbish that by 2050 we are told that it will have more plastic than fish – as measured by weight.

Last year an expedition to remote, uninhabited Henderson Island in the Pitcairn group – almost 3,500 miles from New Zealand and South America – found its beaches inundated with plastic waste.

Around a third of marine mammals are threatened with extinction. More than a third of all fisheries are gone or on the brink.

For the first time in its 15-year history, environmental risks filled the top 5 places of the World Economic Forum’s Global Risk Report.

I could go on, and I’m sure others could add to that depressing list.

I don’t think words exist that really properly capture the tragedy that is unfolding.

The magical, dazzling and extraordinary diversity of life on earth is simply being extinguished.

Ecological treasures we haven’t even begun to understand, and in some cases we haven’t even discovered, are being lost forever.

Whole ecosystems are being turned upside down, or grubbed out – and we haven’t the faintest idea what the effects will be.

But it’s not just a biodiversity tragedy – it is also, clearly, a human tragedy that is unfolding.

We sometimes see well intentioned figures designed to demonstrate just how much we depend on nature.

It has been calculated for example that over half the world’s total GDP depends on nature – and that the annual cost of its destruction will reach $10 trillion.

But we can’t know that.

And logically – our very existence, and therefore all aspects of our economy – depend directly on the natural world that we inhabit.

We don’t always see that, because many of us are so used to being insulated from the natural world.

But that is not true for many hundreds of millions of people around the world who very directly depend on nature – and the free services it provides.

For example: a billion people depend on fish as their main source of protein, and a billion people depend for their livelihoods on those same forests we are wiping out.

 

As you know, we will be co-hosting the next – and all important Climate COP next year.

Our focus will naturally be on clean energy, zero-emissions vehicles, finance, adaptation and resilience, and more.

But at its core will be a major emphasis on nature .

We know that we cannot solve climate change without restoring and protecting nature on a massive scale.

The two crises are inextricably linked.

Indeed there is no pathway to net-zero – or the SDGs – that does not involve a massive scale up of nature based solutions.

They could provide a third of the cost-effective climate change mitigation we need, while helping communities adapt, reversing biodiversity loss and tackling poverty around the world.

Economists use an ugly term for this sort of thing. A solution multiplier. But that’s exactly what investing in nature is.

Investing in nature is a solution to Climate change, poverty prevention and alleviation, reversing the biodiversity crisis, even preventing future pandemics.

Indeed as we race, rightly, to find a Covid vaccine, we would do well to consider that the best way to inoculate ourselves against future disasters
like pandemics 
is by profoundly re setting our relationship with nature.

But despite all that
 despite the huge contribution that nature based solutions can make, just 3% of global climate funding is invested in nature. It makes no sense.

It makes even less sense when we consider that there is a growing market for the clean technology revolution; (it’s not big enough, but it’s there and growing fast).

But there is no such market for nature.

Just consider the Amazon. The whole world depends on it. We haven’t fully understood how, but we know we depend on it. But its value barely registers – we see it as work more dead than alive.

If you consider that the financial incentives to destroy forests outstrip the financial incentives to protect them by about 40 to 1, it’s not surprising.

At the last UNGA – our PM committed to doubling our ICF to up to ÂŁ11.6bn –  And even more importantly, he pledged that much of that uplift will be invested in nature.

We need other countries to do the same.

And that is a core ask of the UK to the rest of the world in the run up to COP26.

But even if we succeed in getting other countries to scale up their investment in nature – we also know that the cost of renewing and protecting nature at a scale that matches the problem – is going to be much more than public money can provide.

So we will need to mobilise private finance too.

One of the barriers preventing action is that so much of what nature provides us is just not valued.

And so much of its destruction is not counted as a cost.

One way to shift the balance is through the development of trusted, authentic and reliable carbon markets.

I cannot think of a more effective way to get billions of pounds into nature restoration and I am convinced that must be a priority.

But there’s much more we can do.

For example – we must focus on the perverse incentives that are driving destruction.

Funding flows that destroy forests outstrip those in favour of protecting them by 40:1.

Currently the fifty biggest food-producing countries spend around $700bn a year in support for (often harmful) agriculture, with only a tiny percentage going to sustainable land use.

That’s around 4x all the world’s aid agencies combined.

Imagine the impact if that, or even a significant part of that, was redirected to reward sustainable practices that help protect the environment and provide sustainable livelihoods.

We will also be building alliances – north, south, producer and consumer countries, rich and poor – to remove deforestation from agricultural supply chains.

Around 80% of deforestation is caused by agriculture – the majority of it to grow commodities that we all consume. We have to be sure that when we import those commodities we do not import deforestation.

Unfortunately, we are doing that today. If you look at they commodities which we import, and forget everything else, they alone increase the UK’s environmental footprint by 80-90%.

 

At this stage, I don’t believe anyone can pretend that our collective response matches the scale of the challenge. By that I don’t mean the UK’s response, I mean the world’s response. No government is doing enough.

But we know that to speak authoritatively on the world stage, we need to get our own house in order here in the UK.

We are going to have a big megaphone over the next 18 months, and we need to make sure that other countries are willing to listen to us.

And we are undoubtedly making progress.

We’ve made a legally-binding commitment to reach net-zero by 2050 – the first industrial economy to do so.

We’re mandating biodiversity net-gain for housing development.

We are planting trees on 30,000 hectares of land per year by 2025, and have established a ÂŁ640m Nature for Climate Fund to help us do it.

Our landmark Environment Bill will tackle air and water quality, biodiversity loss, waste and more – and will set us on track to improve the state of British nature year after year.

Our Agriculture Bill removes the destructive and discredited CAP subsidies – based largely on rewarding people for converting land into farmland, no matter what they do with it – and replaces it with a system that rewards environmental stewardship. Public money in return for public goods. I believe we are the only country working to shift those land use subsidies, so we are in a good position to make the case internationally.

We are also laying the foundations of a Nature Recovery Network that will create or restore 500,000 hectares of wildlife-rich habitat across England.

We will build on work to rewild and reintroduce native species – like beavers building damns that slow the flow of water through the landscape, alleviating flood risk in a changing climate and more besides.

Our Blue Belt of marine protected areas around our Overseas Territories – which are home to around 90% of our endemic species – is on track to protect an area of ocean the size of India – from the biodiversity jewel of Ascension Island, to the sub-Antarctic wilderness of South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands.

 

And we have, in addition to our domestic action, massively expanded our international offer.

On the back of the PM’s commitment to doubling our ICF to up to £11.6bn, we are currently developing brilliant programmes around the world to reverse these trends.

We’ve already protected 20,000 hectares of Madagascan mangroves, to improve the lives of around 100,000 people, store carbon, and support fisheries – and we’re helping communities restore mangroves across Indonesia, Latin America, and the Caribbean.

We will shortly launch a new ÂŁ500 million Blue Planet Fund to help countries protect marine resources from threats like climate change, plastic pollution and overfishing.

Since 2018, we’ve committed up to £70m to tackling plastic waste – through a Commonwealth Clean Ocean Alliance of 34 nations (more than half of the Commonwealth), funding global research through our Commonwealth Litter Programme, and preventing plastic from entering the ocean through the Global Ghost Gear Initiative.

We have formed a new Global Ocean Alliance of countries committing to protect at least 30% of the global ocean in Marine Protected Areas by 2030.

25 countries have already signed up, and more should be coming.

We have created a new ÂŁ100m Biodiverse Landscapes Fund to protect precious but threatened biodiversity hotspots in at least five territories.

We have trebled the world respected Darwin Initiative, which supports sustainable livelihoods and endangered species worldwide.

We have boosted our funding to tackle the grim Illegal Wildlife Trade –the 4th biggest organised crime sector in the world after guns, drugs and women.


And much, much more to come!

 

I want to end where I began, with COVID 19.

Because in this tragedy, there is also an opportunity.

As countries set about rebuilding their economies, as we all will, we have a chance to do things differently and better.

Governments everywhere are planning for economic recovery – I believe $9 trillion have already been put aside for the global recovery.

And how that money is spent will have ramifications for generations.

They can stick with the status quo; bailing out high-carbon, environmentally damaging industries, and locking in decades of emissions and environmental destruction.

Or they can choose to make environmental sustainability and resilience the blueprint for recovery.

I am delighted that our Prime Minister has committed to “Build back better and build back greener.”

 

We are committed to doing all we can to turn things around.

But we cannot do it alone.

And so much of our work in the run up to COP will be building alliances of countries and businesses willing to go much further – on targets to protect the natural world, on supply chains, on land-use subsidies, on ‘net zero’ emissions, and on commitments to greatly increase support for nature-based solutions, etc.

The pandemic has illustrated the folly of waging war on nature.

It is a gigantic wake up call.

And it feels to me that the world is now ready to collectively agree a new covenant with nature; a moment to profoundly re-set of our relationship with this, the only planet that can sustain us.

Thank you.

 

The keynote speech was followed by a Q&A session.

The Rt Hon Lord Goldsmith is the Minister of State for the Pacific, Environment and Conservation

The Rt Hon Matthew Hancock MP: Social media, young people and mental health

By Speeches

An Irishman, a Barbadian and a Kiwi


Sorry, there’s no punchline – I just wanted to talk about our brilliant England cricket team



And our brilliant England captain, star bowler and star batsman, and this entire generation of brilliant England cricketers, who come from so many different backgrounds, and from all over the world, to play for our country.

Because these guys – like the England Women’s World Cup winning team in 2017 – are role models to so many boys and girls in this country.

And it’s a sign of how far we’ve come since Norman Tebbit’s infamous ‘cricket test’ that nobody cares where you come from, only where you want to call home.

Our sporting role models now reflect what our country looks like – and this is a huge sign of progress, not least because we’re now actually winning things.

Because I think we sometimes forget what the recent past was really like – things weren’t always better for children and teenagers before smartphones and social media.

By most metrics it’s never been better: smoking is down, alcohol misuse is down, drug abuse is down. More young people are staying in school and going to university than ever before.

But each new age brings new challenges.

This afternoon some of the biggest social media companies in the world – Facebook, Instagram, Pinterest, Google, YouTube, Tumblr and Snapchat – all came together at the Department for Health and Social Care



the Matt Hancock app was also represented.

And what we discussed is exactly what we’re talking about tonight – young people, social media and mental health. And the word that kept coming up – and not just from me – was responsibility.

It was clear: the penny’s dropped – social media companies get that they have a social responsibility, and that we all have a shared responsibility for the health and wellbeing of our children.

This was the third social media summit I’ve called this year, and so far we’ve managed to get the big tech firms – which includes Twitter – to agree to remove suicide and self-harm content, and start addressing the spread of anti-vax misinformation, Instagram have introduced a new anti-bullying tool, and they’ve all repeated to me that they recognise they have a duty of care to their users, particularly children and young people.

The next step is research. Today, we agreed that we must build a scientifically-rigorous evidence base so we can better understand the health impact of social media, and so we can better identify what more we need to do to keep our children safe online.

We will use the data social media companies hold for social good. Because, while we’ve made significant progress these past few months, there is much more still to do.

And I have made it crystal-clear that if they don’t collaborate, we will legislate.

So today, we agreed to start a new strategic partnership between the Samaritans and ‘the big 6’: Facebook, Instagram, Pinterest, Google, YouTube and Twitter.

We want the social media companies to contribute at least ÂŁ1 million to get this partnership off the ground. The government is playing a leading role in bringing this partnership together, and we have committed ÂŁ100,000.

Our mission will be to follow the evidence: develop a scientifically based understanding of what the challenge is, and what resources, support and guidelines we need to establish to better protect children and young people online.

Because technology isn’t the problem: cars don’t kill people because of a design flaw. People die in car crashes, most of the time, due to human error.

The challenge with social media is also a human challenge.

Are humans going to do the right thing?

Are social media companies going to play their part by making their services safer?

Are governments going to hold these companies to account?

And how are we going to support parents and carers to keep their children safe and healthy online?

Essentially, we’re all going to have to live up to our responsibilities.

And I believe we will. For two reasons.

First: history shows us that new technologies sometimes develop faster than our ability to fully understand their impact, but when we do catch up, we act.

It took a century of speed limits, vehicle inspections, traffic lights, drink-driving laws, seatbelt legislation, to make driving as safe as it is now.

And we’re still not done, because driver-less cars will be the next step – proof that progress is driven both by advances in understanding and improvements in the technology itself.

And proof that progress, itself, is never complete.

I also take inspiration from the first modern labour law in this country, introduced by a Conservative: Robert Peel, father to Sir Robert Peel, one of our greatest prime ministers.

The 1802 Health and Morals of Apprentices Act recognised that cotton mill owners needed to better protect the children working with this new-fangled machinery.

Now, it took a few more decades, and a few more factory acts, before child labour was outlawed altogether, but that first Factory Act, introduced by a Conservative mill owner, started the course of gradual improvements to make the world of work safer for children, women and men.

The history of technology, the history of humanity itself, is one of gradual improvements. Now, that’s not to say we need to wait decades for change to happen.

The pace of technological transformation is faster now than at any point in history so we must pick up the pace of progress to make this technology safer, sooner.

Look at it this way: Facebook is 15 years old now, which in tech years is about
 46. They’ve even appointed Nick Clegg – and you don’t get more of a grown-up than Sir Nick.

So this technology is maturing, there’s more middle-aged people now using Facebook than teenagers, and through improving our understanding and improving the technology, we can make it safer for everyone.

Second: Mental health, thanks to the actions of this Prime Minister, and her predecessor, is finally being talked about, and taken as seriously as physical health.

We’ve started a fundamental shift in how we think about mental health in this country, and the approach the NHS will take to preventing, treating and supporting good mental health in the future.

And I think it’s very important that we talk about the impact of social media, and the wellbeing of young people, in this wider context of good mental health: how do we promote and encourage good mental health?

So the third, and final thing, I’d like to touch on tonight is resilience, which is really another way of saying prevention: the guiding principle of the NHS over the next decade.

How can we help people, particularly children and young people, become more resilient?

This isn’t about telling people to toughen up – it’s about teaching people the cognitive and emotional skills they need to deal with adversity.

It’s about promoting positive mental health and preventing problems from causing illness.

Because life will throw you challenges, times of stress and adversity – losing a job, divorce, bereavement. It’s how we respond, how resilient we are, that ultimately determines the impact on our mental health.

The child development expert, Professor Ann Masten, puts it brilliantly:

Resilience does not come from rare and special qualities, but from the everyday magic of ordinary, normative human resources in the minds, brains, and bodies of children.

Everyday magic. Resilience isn’t a fixed attribute. It’s something we can teach. It’s something that can be learned.

It’s an essential life skill that we should equip every child and young person with, so they can meet challenges head-on, face adversity, learn and grow, and improve as a person.

And that’s exactly the approach we’re taking.

We’re working with our colleagues at the Department for Education to equip and empower children, from a young age, with this essential life skill.

Teaching resilience, along with self-respect and self-worth, learning about the importance of honesty, courage, kindness, generosity, trustworthiness and justice.

Values to live by, and vital to our mental health.

We’re also teaching children about the dangers of fake news and why truth matters – whether it’s falsehoods about vaccines or falsehoods about people.

As a parent, I want to protect my children from the dangers in this world, but I know I can’t be with them every minute of the day – I don’t think they’d like it very much if I tried.

But I hope that what I’ve taught them will help prepare them for the challenges they will face in the future.

As parents, as a society, we can’t remove every challenge, but we can teach young people how to overcome them, how to cope with adversity, and how to become more resilient.

So it comes down to this:

Responsibility: everybody playing their part – social media companies, government, parents and carers.

Research: building the evidence base to improve our understanding, and improve the technology.

Resilience: teaching the right way to respond to challenges.

That’s how we protect our children. And that’s how we build a safer, healthier world for them to grow up in.

The Rt Hon Matthew Hancock MP is Secretary of State for Health and Social Care

The Rt Hon Penny Mordaunt MP: Bright Blue’s Women in Work conference speech

By Speeches

Today is the centenary of women’s suffrage.

This is the moment when women finally gained a foothold in political life.

There are some that say: “So what?” They’re the sort of people that have never felt injustice.

When our Prime Minister made her first statement in her new role, she chose to focus on “burning injustices” that still existed in our country.

She was right to do so. And she gave some examples. Here are some more.

  • If you’re in the UK and disabled, you’re 70% more likely to be unemployed.
  • According to experts, LGBT people are more likely to be at risk of being homeless or rough sleeping.
  • 11% of all rough sleepers in London have been in care, and the majority have mental health needs.
  • 30% of women who were in low paid jobs in 2006 were stuck in low pay a decade later.
  • And people from Black African, Bangladeshi and Pakistani ethnic groups are still most likely to live in poverty and deprivation and, given the damaging effects of poverty on education, work and health, families can become locked into disadvantage for generations.

To fight injustice, we need a strong economy.

That’s why I’m proud of our track record economically. It was also clear to me that if we were to deliver her agenda we needed to enable Whitehall to better focus on these complex issues. And problems that needed to be tackled by multiple departments.

For the long term – not dependent on Government, but enabled by it.

Issues, which as a nation we had not yet gripped:

layered disadvantage;
ignored potential.
How do we remove multiple barriers, enabling more resource than government has, and help it to be levered in?

It was clear that business as usual wasn’t going to cut it.

If we’re going to deliver on this agenda. We needed to start by joining things up. We need to work smarter. We needed to make sure we are applying the best ideas and solutions, whether they are from within government or outside. We need to get moving – literally.

Last week I announced that the Prime Minister had approved some “machinery of government changes”, as Sir Humphrey would say.

Let me translate.

I want to give the Government Equalities Office not just a new home, but a permanent home, and most importantly at the centre of government.

That’s why I’m delighted that it’ll be in the Cabinet Office, from April, alongside the Race Disparity Unit. From there it will become an equalities hub, and provide some much-needed clout behind those working to ensure all our citizens have what they need to thrive.

A hub for all parts of Whitehall and beyond.

It’s no good having a central government strategy to tackle injustice if local government and communities can’t deliver it, too.

So, critically, such a hub will help us better articulate and co-ordinate a national mission to enable everyone to help fight injustice.

It will help join up our communications with key stakeholders.

One of the early things I asked for in my role as Women and Equalities Minister was a look across all the equalities asks we’re making of business.

An audit showed we’re making lots of similar requests depending on which government department is asking.

We’re asking large employers to report gender pay data.

BEIS are asking them to report CEO pay ratios, and are consulting on ethnicity pay regulations

Government wants business to sign up to a range of schemes like:

  • The Race at Work Charter;
  • Disability Confident;
  • Sector charters for gender equality;
  • and the See Potential campaign.

All of these issues are important and they all require energy and commitment in their own specific areas. But they’re not joined up or co-ordinated.

We need to think how that looks to an HR director or chief executive. How are we helping them to see the bigger picture or helping them to become an inclusive employer?

How irritating is it to have extra burdens placed on you or be lectured about workplace etiquette by a bunch of legislators whose own Houses are far from in order?

We owe it to our businesses to make sure these processes work with each other and reference each other, so that we are setting them up for success, not failure. I want to thank Greg Clark and David Lidington for supporting me in this.

I want us to get better at understanding of the asks we make on businesses and developing policy which supports them to do better on diversity and inclusion. The processes are only the means. It’s the end – the creation of dynamic, diverse, high performing business and organisations – that really matters.

It will help ensure that what we are doing as a government, but also together as a nation, really is greater than the sum of the parts.

My vision for GEO is that we’re the catalysts across government, amplifying and lending weight to the excellent work already underway in so many departments, and also across the country, too.

And while we’re not changing any reporting lines of Minister of State and Parliamentary Under-Secretaries who are doing work focused on tackling inequality, we will support them from the GEO in getting their ambitions met.

Work by people like:

  • Rory Stewart at the MOJ, trying to tackle the issues of drugs, violence and high rates of self-harm and suicide in prison;
  • People Like Jackie Doyle-Price, who is doing great work on women’s health inequalities;
  • Or Sarah Newton who is not only working on the disability employment gap, but also on empowering the disabled consumer;
  • Or Chloe Smith at Cabinet Office, who is leading work to engage young people in democracy;
  • Or Kelly Tolhurst, who’s putting into practice the government’s commitment to flexible working;
  • Or Heather Wheeler at Housing, Communities and Local Government, addressing the issues facing some of the most vulnerable people in our society.

I know they and other colleagues have huge ambitions and passion in tackling injustice and giving people what they need to build their future.

I know how hard it can be as a Junior Minister to join things up across Whitehall, and move at the pace that potential partners need us to. And the GEO can be of huge help to them in getting the things that we know need doing, done.

This machinery of government change is important, but more is needed too.

Across the public sector, we must ensure equality impact assessments are effective and remain core and integral to our policy development, with proper consideration of equalities knitted into our organisational cultures and decision-making.

And that the Equality and Human Rights Commission is as effective as it can be and delivers on the recommendations made by the Tailored Review which was published earlier this week. I know David is committed in doing that.

When I took over this brief I know questions were asked about its fit with my other, international facing, department.

Much of my focus at DFID is on the sustainable development goals and more recently on the Human Capital Index – what we’re investing in our people, what we could invest and what outcomes are we getting for that investment.

I’m a Human Capital Champion for the World Bank, and that’s a good fit with my domestic brief.

I’m pleased that the Index already disaggregates the data by gender – something the UK Government pushed hard for. But I would like to see it do the same, for example, by disability. The UK should be leading the way on this, building on the strong commitment to transparency which we have already demonstrated through the Race Disparity Audit and Gender Pay Gap reporting.

My work with other nations is about their journey – so that every one of their citizens can reach their full potential.

And that is the same measure we should judge ourselves on too, that no one should be left behind.

And that is at the heart of the Prime Minister’s mission she articulated on the steps of Downing Street.

To deliver that, we will not just need a shift of gear, but a broadening out of what the GEO has been focused on and an increase in our ambitions in this respect.

Whitehall tends to focus on what it knows can be done. What can be easily measured. Its strategy tends to focus pretty much only on what it can effect directly and control.

When it tackles thornier and more complex issues, it’s usually in the shape of discovering best practice, or chipping away at an issue.

And that is what we have tended to do at GEO.

Understandably, and rightly, it has historically had huge focus on women in work.

GEO has successfully shifted the dial on a number of issues including:

  • launching a ÂŁ1.5 million grant fund to encourage action in the private sector, and launching programmes in the public sector for health professionals, teachers and prospective Civil Servants, all of which are helping ‘returners’ across the country get back into work;
  • supporting the Hampton-Alexander Review to make progress against their ambitious targets for getting more women at the top of business, seeing the number of all-male boards in the FTSE 350 fall from 152 to 5 since 2011;
  • working with BEIS on a Shared Parental Leave campaign to raise awareness and uptake of Shared Parental Leave, helping more families to share caring.

There’s a lot of focus on women in boardrooms. Of course, that is emblematic of the progress women are making. But, in truth, this is not the place where business is being re-imagined. Often poor treatment and the perception of being undervalued in the workplace is the main driver for female entrepreneurs.

But if we want every woman to thrive, to be as financially secure and resilient as they can be, and to reach their full potential we need to broaden out our work beyond, the FTSE 350, beyond London, beyond executives, women on boards and big business.

We need a focus on small businesses, part time work, women from all parts of the UK, low paid women, women with multiple barriers to reaching their full potential, older women, financially fragile women, women who aren’t easy to reach, or measure, or sometimes even to see.

The invisible women who keep our families our public services and our nation going.

Women to who we owe a great deal.

And women who really need our support.

And we need to focus on women at every stage of their lives.

And let me just briefly add some reassurance to the Times newspaper or anyone else who sees the fact that we want to support women who are cleaning offices, as well as the occupants of those offices, and see that as some sort of ‘downgrading’ of ‘middle class’ issues – don’t panic – women’s ministers can multitask.

The work done on gender pay gap reporting has been hugely helpful in focusing larger companies on the issue. It encourages them to understand the various drivers and the action that can be taken by them and others to address it.

Our work has inspired other nations to follow suit, and our metrics have now been adopted by the Bloomberg equality index.

But what does it tell us?

Let’s take a look at the data.

There is a gender pay gap from the beginning of working life, indicating structural inequalities.

The gap rises steeply as women begin to have children and take time out of the labour market to care for them.

It continues to increase as women approach 50, showing the impact of many women taking several years out of work or working part-time, often to enable them to care for children.

And it is highest for those aged 50-59.

The peak age for being an unpaid carer is 55-64 years old – women often do the caring for both children and elderly relatives.

Towards the end of a woman’s working life it continues to rise and then turns into a pensions pay gap. With men projected to have around a 25% higher income on average than women in their first year of retirement.

As we all live longer, this pensions gap will affect people long into their old age, leading to real inequalities in the standard of living people can afford.

It’s important to me that we recognise women are individuals and we are not all identical. A range of factors affects their personal experiences, which we need to do more to understand.

The gender pay gap data and the wealth of research GEO has done over the past year have helped us understand some of the challenges women face around work:

  • caring responsibilities is a huge issue;
  • women are more likely to be low paid than men and far more likely to get stuck in low pay;
  • just over 2 million people are inactive due to caring for home or family and nearly 90% of those people are women;
  • 1 in 10 working age women belong to the ‘sandwich generation’ – providing care as well as having dependent children;
  • this rises to 1 in 7 for women in their early 40s, those who are most likely to be in this position.

Older women of the ‘sandwich generation’ are more likely than men to have given up work as a result of their greater caring responsibilities. This disparity is particularly acute for older women on low incomes.

Women on legacy benefits can be trapped into limiting their hours or income by Tax Credit rules – that is why Universal Credit, which removes the cliff edge between unemployment and work, has to work.

We need to help women and men to have a better understanding of the negative impact of choices they have, may have drifted or been forced into.

The financial impact of these choices tends to be borne by women, so we need to address the reasons for that, find new solutions and create more choice so that those who want to, can share those burdens more equally. It used to be said that behind every great man, was a great woman.

These days great men are ones that get behind women.

And we need to make it easier for them to do so.

Too often work, schools, childcare and health services are designed assuming that one parent will be in work and one parent is the primary carer.

Today’s families want to share caring more flexibly, and we need work and wider social support to reflect that.

This Government has a strong record on childcare and parental leave: by 2019-20 we’ll be spending around £6 billion on childcare support, more than any previous government.

In 2015, we introduced Shared Parental Leave & Pay to help parents share the care in their child’s first year.

This Autumn, we announced plans to require large employers to publish their policies on parental leave and pay; and to ensure ALL jobs are advertised as flexible. But just as the nature of work is changing, and families’ expectations evolve, we must ensure that we continue to look at how we support parents to balance work and care more effectively.

For example, self-employed fathers are not eligible for Shared Parental Leave, and self-employed parents can find it impossible to navigate the complex system as to what they’re entitled to.

The Industrial Strategy points to workplace flexibility as a driver of productivity, but many people still can’t find jobs that offer them the right flexibility.

We recently published the Carers Action Plan and set up the Flexible Working Taskforce to promote best practice for flexible working.

And we also know that getting local and central government to work better together, is absolutely necessary in really making a difference.

There are some great examples – governments partnerships with local authorities in ‘Integration Areas’ across England, combine the weight of central government with the on-the-ground expertise only local government can provide.

But we know sometimes that is the exception rather than the rule – and if local and central government aren’t pushing in the same direction this leads to confusion for people trying to access local services, or incorrect assumption being made about a person’s costs of living, for example making assumptions about a person’s income, but giving no weight to devolved decisions which affect it, such as council tax discounts.

So, as well as what we can learn from gender pay gap data what else do we need to think about.

How can we give better support to the 4.2 million women who are also disabled, or those from an ethnic minority?

White women have an employment rate of 73.3%, while women of Bangladeshi ethnicity have an employment rate of just 32.8%.

In the 2011 census, there were 464,000 women in the UK who could not speak English well or at all.

Or what about those with complex backgrounds often involving domestic abuse – 1.2 million female victims last year.

Women who are financially or digitally illiterate. An OECD study, found that men were over a third more likely to reach a minimum standard of financial knowledge than women. And out of the 4.3 million adults who have no basic digital skills at all, over 60% are women.

But ALL of these women want to find opportunities to realise their talent and we must help all of them.

It should be the GEO mission to ensure that every woman in the UK has as much freedom and choice and capacity and resilience, and support and protection to do whatever she wants to do.

So, you will see a broadening in our work, as well as a new address.

And today I am announcing that the next phase of our returners programme – ÂŁ500,000 of funding to support people to return to work when they are ready to do so, will be focusing on those with additional barriers to participating in the labour market – including people who speak little English, people with disabilities, and those who are homeless or have been victims of domestic abuse.

I am also announcing a further ÂŁ100,000 to start some more bespoke support for very marginalised women some of who have little or no work history in particular parts of the country.

There is so much more to do.

We already have some great organisations out there helping us get this right. The Women’s Business Council helps us reach business leaders, and has done some brilliant work since it was established in 2012. In Parliament, the Women and Equalities Select Committee engages with a range of organisations to inform parliament and government’s thinking.

And there are some great forums and campaign groups out there.

But I want to make sure we hear from women in every community, so we are undertaking a piece of work to ensure female voices are better heard by policy makers.

Every woman in the UK should feel able to raise the issues which concern them, and know that we are taking them seriously and are responding to those issues. And to find the right solutions to the complex policy challenges we face, we need to be drawing on everyone’s expertise – no one has a better insight into tricky gender equality issues than the women who are dealing with them every day.

Our message to women is this: you will set our agenda.

The Prime Minister set out her mission.

But it is all of ours, too.

And in these turbulent and divided times I can think of no better mission to bring us together.

Thank you.

See extracts of the speech here and here.

The Rt Hon Penny Mordaunt MP is Secretary of State for International Development and Minister for Women and Equalities

Dr Phillip Lee MP: Bright Blue’s Fighting for Freedom? Conservatism, human rights and discrimination conference

By Speeches

It is a real pleasure to speak to you today. Because Conservatism and human rights are two things I ardently believe in and that drive my personal politics. They are why I am here as a Member of Parliament, Minister and a GP. And I see them as being inextricably linked. For me, the recognition of our human rights is what true conservatism is all about.

So I would like to take the opportunity to congratulate Bright Blue on this important discussion. We have a lot of good work to build on in the form of your Human Rights Project. I hope you will keep it up.

I need to say upfront that I am here under slightly false pretences. I am the minister for human rights – but I do not plan to talk much about that brief. Instead, I want to focus on the big strategic question that our Party faces

.
That is: how we advance human rights in the 21st century.
This is an important question.

To answer it, we have to understand how the world and our country are changing.

And we should build on our Conservative tradition of thinkers, politicians, lawyers and Governments who have worked tirelessly to advance human rights. So let me start with some historical perspective.


We are the party of Edmund Burke, who advocated for the rights of peoples around the world like those in Ireland who were discriminated against because of religion.


of Sir Robert Peel, our first Prime Minister, who committed to pursue “the correction of proved abuses and the redress of real grievances” in his Tamworth Manifesto that came to define Conservatism.

We are the party of Benjamin Disraeli, who wrote that “Toryism will
bring back
liberty to the Subject”. His Government extended political, social and economic rights. He laid the foundations for today’s welfare state. His Conservatives hugely reduced the disparity in living conditions between rich and poor.


of Lord Shaftesbury who ended child labour in mines and brought massive reform to factory working conditions.


We are the party of Emmeline Pankhurst who was so instrumental in winning the right for women to vote.


of Sir Winston Churchill who made the enthronement of human rights a British war aim in World War Two. His vision contributed to the founding of the United Nations; the Universal Declaration of Human Rights; and the European Convention of Human Rights. The last of these, of course, having been co-written by the Conservative MP and lawyer David Maxwell-Fyfe.

And we are also the party of Margaret Thatcher, whose commitment to individual liberty against autocratic rule was instrumental in bringing down the tyranny of Communism in Eastern Europe – a warning of what Jeremy Corbyn’s hard left politics has to offer.

Into that great tradition steps Theresa May. Her inspiring words on the steps of Downing Street when she became Prime Minister in 2016 outlined today’s Conservative mission to fight the “burning injustices” in our own society. “That
..if you’re born poor, you will die on average 9 years earlier than others. If you’re black, you’re treated more harshly by the criminal justice system
. If you’re a white, working-class boy, you’re less likely than anybody else in Britain to go to university. If you’re at a state school, you’re less likely to reach the top professions… If you’re a woman, you will earn less than a man. If you suffer from mental health problems, there’s not enough help to hand. If you’re young, you’ll find it harder than ever before to own your own home.”
At every stage in modern history, the Conservatives and conservatism have carried the torch of human liberty, dignity and empowerment. We have been at the heart of the development and protection of human rights. A legacy that Britain has bequeathed to the world.

So it upsets me that the Conservative Party and human rights are rarely associated in the public consciousness except in negative ways. And some in our party fuel this judgment. These are often the same people who promoted our leaving the EU – an institution that, despite its failings, has done more than any other in recent times to advance human rights in practical ways – and would have us ditch the Human Rights Act.

Those colleagues are wrong. It is not Theresa May
..it is not me
..it is not you who are out of step with Conservative philosophy. It is those who would turn back the tide. Our task is to turn this around. To define a conservative approach fit for the 21st century.
Because our world and our country are changing. This is no longer the world in which Magna Carta defined rights to bring peace to our country; or in which the Universal Declaration of Human Rights defined them to help bring about the post-war peace in 1948.

It is one in which humanity faces new challenges at home and abroad
..The rise of authoritarian regimes, abject poverty, the impact of climate change are all crippling people in other parts of the world. Populist policies, corrosive injustices, and insidious discrimination are pervasive and have taken root in many societies

.. And of course – I hesitate to introduce the subject but cannot ignore it – Brexit.

For me personally, the experiences I have had serving some of our country’s most challenging communities as a doctor and travelling in some of our world’s most troubled places have brought home what some of this means in practice
..

In Britain, this means the lack of social mobility, the dysfunctional families, the scourges of homelessness, drug addiction and criminality, the failure of integration, the decline in personal responsibility – the sheer absence of hope. I have seen all of these things up close and personal – how they corrode our society, how they erode cohesiveness, how they destroy people, families and communities.

In Syria, I saw the impact of absolute poverty, the terror of living under an authoritarian regime and the way good people are left vulnerable to extremism.

And those experiences among others are the foundation of my Conservatism
..

A Conservatism that
 seeks to harness the forces that drive human behaviour – love for our fellow beings, and the pursuit of power – to create a secure and just society in which every person is able to get a chance in life – of health, education and employment. To create a society that is fair and free – but in which freedoms are earned because we value our country, our environment, our world. A society in which rights are balanced by responsibilities, for each other and for ourselves.

A Conservatism that
 recognises that we must take care of the world we inherit – conserve it – so that we pass something better to our children. We must respect our riches, and each other, and care for our vulnerable. And we must recognise that humanity is the vital bond without which our society, globally and nationally, our communities and our families will disintegrate.

A Conservatism that
 people can trust to govern well – in ways that advance us – as individuals, as a society and as a country.
This is a testing time. And our generation will be judged on how we respond. Because our response goes to the heart of the country we want to be
. What we value; how we look after our people; and how we engage in the world to care for our country and our planet.

A first test we face is to create a strong and positive vision for our country after Brexit.

We are rightly proud of our commitment to the rule of law and our strong legislative record to protect individuals’ rights and prevent abuses of power. And it is absolutely right that our Government committed to staying in the ECHR and keeping the Human Rights Act. We also need to look ahead and consider how our legislation – and its enforcement – needs to be strengthened.

We need to recalibrate what we value as a society and consider how we regulate our markets. Because if we let markets decide how society should be governed, human beings become commodities and human values are debased. Some in our Party would have us oversee massive deregulation. Stripping employment and environmental protections along with everything else. Setting up as many trade deals as possible to generate money. This would be an unfair and unjust foundation for our country’s future. And it is not the Conservative way.

Markets have their place. But we have to make sure that they serve humanity, enhance our liberty and dignity. Not the other way round.

We should be guided by the courage, determination and wisdom that Wilberforce showed to end slavery. And that Shaftesbury showed to end child exploitation. They had powerful opponents. Because the end of the slave trade meant the end of a very profitable market that damaged the economy in places like Bristol, Liverpool and the West Indies. The end of child labour and the introduction of compulsory education made life hard for families who relied on income from their children and for factory owners who faced expensive regulation. Tackling those injustices was not the free market choice, nor the profitable choice. But it was the right thing to do. It was the Conservative thing to do.

A second test is how we nurture good citizens. Because if we lose our own humanity, the most perfect systems and legislation are – at best – worth nothing.

Let me share two personal stories with you from my role at the Ministry of Justice.
The first is that of Darren and John. John was born into organised crime. His uncle carried out one of our most famous robberies and at 16 he owned a sawn-off shotgun, which he was pointing at security vans across London. But in prison, thanks to Darren, a prison officer who appreciated John as a person and did not write him off as a criminal, John found out that he could row. He broke the world indoor rowing record. And now he is a law-abiding, professional, Nike-sponsored, leading international triathlete.

The second is about the women who get caught up in our criminal justice system – many of them ending up in prison for relatively minor offences. Remarkably, a few of them each year, usually among the poorest, are there because they have not paid the TV licence. Over half of them come from abusive backgrounds and are victims of domestic violence. I do not want our society to be one that sends these women to prison. I want us to help these women become the valuable members of society that most of them would like to be.
And we will do this. Our women offenders’ strategy will be published soon. And although I would have wanted more money for it, and our society should find the money, I am confident that I have secured the right direction of travel. We will begin to establish a network of residential women’s centres across the country – a better form of detention. One that helps these women to become responsible citizens, supports their families, respects human dignity and protects the weak. It will transform the lives of those it touches. It will be a measure of our humanity.

And looking after our most vulnerable is not the job of Government alone. It is a way of life that every responsible citizen needs to embrace. As our society fractures and religion retreats, we need to reconsider what responsible citizenship means and how to inspire it in our people, our communities and our companies.

A third test is to look beyond our shores. We must be ambitious for our generation – seek to advance the whole of humanity and see clearly that the abuse of human rights is the global crisis of our times. We must be more globally engaged. Because in our interconnected world, our actions affect others and ignoring problems overseas quickly brings them to our own shores.

It is to our shame that we are presiding over the highest levels of global human displacement ever. That 65.6 million people have been forced from their homes. That over half of our 22.5 million refugees are children under 18. That 10 million people are denied basic rights because they are stateless. Each of the world’s refugee crises is the result of a failure to protect human rights.

We must deal with tyranny. Because tyranny only begets tyranny. And it is always those that least deserve it that suffer most.

But you cannot bring freedom, justice and peace with high-tech weaponry – and I have previously opposed that course of action in Syria in 2013. The right focus for our effort is human security. And that needs to be pursued by empowering people. Military intervention has its place. But it must be used to create – not destroy – human security.

And here we need to be honest about where we still fall short. The Universal Declaration declares “periodic and genuine elections
by universal and equal suffrage” to be a human right. And regimes in every corner of the globe make a point of holding elections. But just holding elections does not empower people. Votes need to be meaningful. People must have a real choice and be able to make a difference.

So we must make better use of the levers we have for effecting change and use all our ingenuity to create new ones. Many countries still look to Britain to show the way and we have a responsibility to step up.
To conclude
.

We should not lose sight of the fact that human rights in this country have moved on immeasurably in the last 70 years. This touches us all – young and old, regardless of gender, age, religion, ethnic background. For we all have protections that were unimaginable when Churchill made the enthronement of human rights a British war aim. The very air we breathe is better because we now recognise clean air to be a basic human right.

But we must not be complacent. The challenges that our generation faces are no harder and no easier than those that previous generations have overcome. Britain used to lead the way in protecting and expanding human rights. That is no longer true today. The cause is too often twisted to serve other agendas or selectively applied to some groups and not to others
and this is as true in our own country as elsewhere.

For me, it is simple. Respect for humanity, human dignity and human rights should guide all of our policy – at home and abroad – and every aspect of how we govern. Not just because that is right. But because that is what brings the security, prosperity and human advancement – physical and spiritual – for which we all strive and that is the fundamental point of human existence.

Brexit offers us the chance as a nation and a Party to look at what sort of country we want to be. For me, the choice is clear: we must reclaim the true conservatism of Shaftesbury and Disraeli and others and model Britain as a compassionate force for good.

So the discussion that you have started is vital. We must embrace it and use it to map the future for our Party, our Government, our Country – and our world.

Let’s make sure we are on the right side of history in the finest Conservative tradition – leading the way on liberty, dignity and justice.

And so my challenge to you – to this conference – is to reclaim our Party’s title as a great global champion of human rights
. In fact, to be the greatest! That means standing up to those – particularly within our party – who want us to move away from that path.

Before I finish, I want to make one final point
.

The essence of a conservative approach to human rights is the Burkean principle that our institutions guarantee those rights. Most important of all, a Government’s first responsibility is to protect its citizens. This is usually understood in military terms but I believe it applies more generally. It means that sometimes, when a majority of our people wants something that is against the good of society, Government and Parliament have a responsibility to protect us. This was the case with the death penalty when for decades politicians went against the majority view and refused to reinstate it. Now I believe it needs to be the case with Brexit.

I believe that the evidence now shows that the Brexit policy our Government is currently pursuing on the basis of the 2016 referendum is detrimental to the people we are elected to serve. Certainly, it now seems inevitable that the people, economy and culture of my own constituency will be affected negatively. And I cannot ignore that it is to them that I owe my first responsibility as their Member of Parliament.
Today, as many of you know, MPs are voting on the House of Lords’ amendments to the EU Withdrawal Bill. In particular, there is one amendment which – if it is adopted – will empower Parliament to take back control of the process, if necessary rejecting a bad deal and directing the Government to re-enter discussions, extending or pausing negotiations which are being badly rushed because of the deadline that Article 50 imposes.

It is fundamentally important that Parliament should have a voice so it can influence the final outcome in the interests of the people it serves. A fake choice between a ‘bad deal’ and a cliff-edge ‘no deal’ – a vote between bad and worse – is not a meaningful choice. It would breach such fundamental principles of human rights and Parliamentary sovereignty that we would not recognise it as being valid in other countries. It is not one that our Parliament should accept.

If it comes to it, my Parliamentary colleagues and I will have to ask ourselves whether we can vote in our own Parliament – that bastion of liberty, freedom and human rights – in favour of something that we would rightly criticise elsewhere. For me, the answer will be
.I cannot
.

That is why I urge our Government to do the right thing and amend the legislation to ensure that Parliament is properly able to exercise its duty to our country and our constituents by ensuring we are not stuck with a bad deal or no deal.

It is hard to be part of a Government that would countenance the breach of such fundamental principles – and it is important that individual ministers and Parliamentarians should be able to speak up. But effective Government in our country also relies on the important principle of collective responsibility. So I am very sad to have to announce that I feel I must resign as a minister so that I can properly speak out for my country and my constituents

..

I really have finished now. I will be issuing a statement shortly. And so you will forgive me if I get on with the important work that is ahead and go straight back to Parliament to represent my constituents and my country. Thank you



Dr Phillip Lee MP is Minister for Human Rights