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Lee Marsons: Third time is not the charm: Why the UK’s treaty with Rwanda is not the answer

By Centre Write, Politics

Taken together, the two ways through which the Government is attempting to resurrect its flailing asylum agreement with Rwanda – a new treaty and emergency legislationare a serious threat to the human rights and safety of refugees, the UK’s commitment to the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) and the independence of the British judiciary.

The Government’s plans follow from the UK Supreme Court’s conclusion that, after looking impartially at the evidence, Rwanda is not a safe country to send asylum seekers to. The Supreme Court found that Rwanda has a long history of misunderstanding its obligations to refugees and does not comply with those obligations effectively – in some instances, even wilfully disregarding them. Therefore, there was a real risk that people could face serious harm in Rwanda. The Government’s plans do not satisfactorily address these detailed and rigorous findings and are a blatant attempt to prohibit any further independent judicial assessment of this risky policy.

Starting with the treaty, Ministers and officials have tried their best to change the content and wording of the agreement in light of the Supreme Court’s concerns. Paragraph 85 of the Supreme Court’s judgment, for example, highlighted the 100% rejection rate of asylum claims from Afghanistan, Syria and Yemen in 2020-22 – based on Rwanda’s view that asylum seekers from the Middle East should remain in the region. In response, Article 3(1) of the treaty requires decisions to be made on a non-discriminatory basis without regard to nationality.

Further, paragraph 87 of the judgment evidenced Rwanda’s practice of refoulement – that is, returning people to countries where they could be seriously harmed or killed – up to the present day. Indeed, during the negotiations for the original deal, six people were unlawfully returned to unsafe countries. In response to these concerns, Article 10(3) of the treaty states that nobody may be removed from Rwanda, except to the UK, even if their asylum application is unsuccessful. 

Moreover, based on the Supreme Court’s concerns about the independence of the Rwandan judiciary in the appeals process, Annex B paragraph 4.2 of the treaty establishes a separate Appeal Body which requires a Rwandan and Commonwealth president and co-president who will appoint judges to sit on the Body. 

As far as words go, these are good ones. But the point of the Supreme Court’s decision was never the words. The point was whether Rwanda could be relied on to understand and adhere to those words. Looking at the evidence provided by all parties, including the Government, the Supreme Court concluded that the answer was no. Paragraph 88, for example, found that Rwanda had “a culture of, at best, insufficient appreciation by … officials of Rwanda’s obligations under the Refugee Convention, and at worst a deliberate disregard for those obligations.” 

This evidence has not changed since the Supreme Court’s judgment. Therefore, the commitments set out in this treaty do not resolve the most important question of whether Rwanda will in fact comply with its obligations. 

What is more, the Supreme Court was clear that making Rwanda safe would require structural and cultural change within Rwanda’s judicial system. For example, paragraph 105 states that:

“We accept … that the capacity of the Rwandan system (in the sense of its ability to produce  accurate and fair decisions) can and will be built up. Nevertheless, asking ourselves whether  there were substantial grounds for believing that a real risk of refoulement existed at the  relevant time, we have concluded that there were. The structural changes and capacity-  building needed to eliminate that risk may be delivered in the future, but they were not shown to be in place at the time when the lawfulness of the policy had to be considered in  these proceedings.”

It is highly unlikely that these changes have happened in less than one month – meaning that there remains a real risk that people will be seriously harmed by this policy.

Making matters worse, the Government’s emergency legislation is a blatant attempt to prevent any further independent judicial scrutiny of its policy, which guts the effective protection of basic human rights and threatens the UK’s commitment to the integrity of the European Court of Human Rights.

Clause 2 of the Bill, for example, requires all decision makers to conclusively treat Rwanda as a safe country, despite the Supreme Court’s decision. In effect, this tries to put a fiction into British law – a fiction that will put innocent people’s lives and safety at risk. Worse, Clause 2(3)-(4) bans judges from considering an appeal or judicial review on the basis that Rwanda is an unsafe country.

Clause 3 continues this regressive trend by disapplying much of the 1998 Human Rights Act 1998 (HRA). Judges will not, for example, be allowed to interpret the legislation so that it respects the ECHR (Clause 3(4)), and the Home Office will not have a legal obligation to respect the ECHR when making decisions about removing people to Rwanda (Clause 3(5)).

Instead, the only safeguard against deportation to Rwanda  is for individuals to argue based on “compelling evidence” that their particular circumstances create a “real, imminent and foreseeable risk of serious and irreversible harm.” This is a very high threshold – and with the difficulty accessing legal advisers in immigration and asylum – the result is that many people will struggle to successfully launch a challenge and face real risks of serious harm.

Finally, Clause 5 requires judges to ignore any interim measures of the European Court of Human Rights and, instead, gives an absolute right to the Government to decide whether the UK will adhere to them. An interim measure is an order requiring the Government to temporarily do or not do something to secure the protection of human rights. Interim measures are granted only exceptionally when individuals face a real risk of serious and irreversible harm. For example, in 2022 two British citizens – Aiden Aslin and Sean Pinner – secured an interim measure against Russia ordering Russian separatists in occupied Ukraine to execute them.

This Clause undermines the independence of British judges and weakens the UK’s commitment to the integrity of the European Court of Human Rights. A mature democracy committed to the rule of law should not compel its judges to ignore orders designed to secure people’s human rights.

It is little wonder that the Home Secretary is unable to certify that the Bill is compatible with the ECHR – indeed, the Bill is specifically crafted to remove and weaken the ECHR’s protections.

The whole Rwanda saga has been a sorry episode from start to finish.  Expensive – costing £240m so far, with £50m extra expected – unethical and unlawful, the policy has been an exemplar of poor decision-making that will be taught for years to come. Core principles of which British governments should be proud champions  – human rights, the rule of law, judicial independence and the liberal international order – have been critically undermined and with nothing positive to show for it. The world’s most persecuted refugees, the British people and the UK’s principles deserve better than this.

 

Lee Marsons is a Senior Researcher at the Public Law Project.

Views expressed in this article are those of the author, and not necessarily those of Bright Blue. 

James Ball: Tech totalitarianism? Analysing the Government’s war with big tech

By Centre Write, Politics

There is no doubt whatsoever that big tech must be regulated. US legislators say it; EU authorities agree; the UK body politic concurs. Indeed, big tech itself agrees that there must be some form of regulation for the internet, as it continues to increase its presence in our lives. Even in our divided world, on this, there is consensus.

Sadly for all concerned, that is just about as far as the consensus goes. There were various so-called ‘easy wins’ when it comes to online spaces, but all of these were reached years ago.

Companies should have liability for customer data being lost or stolen due to negligence – sorted. Tech should make significant efforts to keep child abuse imagery off their services – a perpetual struggle, but one in which tens of thousands of images a day are removed. Wherever they are based, tech should remove speech that does not comply with local law – also long ago, sorted.

This is most notable when looking for compliance with Germany’s understandably strict laws against speech denying the Holocaust. Social networks now take down content that falls foul of this law, but is legal speech in other countries, thereby restricting it solely in Germany.

Big tech has made it clear they will comply with democratic laws on speech. They say if you want particular content not to exist, simply make it illegal – otherwise, leave the limits of legal speech up to us as individual services.

Some services, like Facebook, will not let so much as an exposed female nipple be on show – even if breastfeeding. Others, such as Twitter, are happy to host hardcore pornography. Each makes a choice according to what its users and advertisers are willing to accept, and acts accordingly.

But the UK’s approach in the Online Safety Bill would have taken that much further. The Bill created a new category of ‘legal but harmful’ content which social networks would need to demonstrate they had plans to tackle without outright banning it. With absolutely swingeing fines at stake, such a policy would clearly result in most networks zealously over-censoring content, given the costs of falling foul of the law are so much greater than the benefits of supporting an open internet.

Such was the backlash from the tech sector that the Government tried to reframe the ‘legal but harmful’ restrictions as content likely to be accessed by children – on the face of it, a much more reasonable middle ground.

This was essential, as the Home Office had used children’s charities to front much of the legislation and convinced them it was necessary to keep children safe online. In classic Home Office fashion, it set a trap and then immediately fell in it: pass the measure, and big tech withdraws jobs and activity from the UK; do not pass it and face a huge public backlash from charities that are largely above reproach.

The compromise does not work, of course. Almost every service online is likely to be accessed by children, generally defined as a child under 13. Kids can easily tick a box saying that they are older than they actually are and generally are excellent at finding things that they should not.

As a result, the only way to really exclude children is to introduce stringent age verification checks, which rely on some form of real-world ID, akin to those on gambling websites. That has put the government in direct conflict with Wikipedia, the worthy not-for-profit encyclopaedia cribbed by children across the world for their homework assignments. Wikipedia, not willing to introduce an age filter and not able to comprehensively moderate its site, has said that, if these measures pass, it will withdraw from the UK.

If any of this was easy, then it would have been done and dusted long ago. But there is a fundamental problem at the core of the rules: they do not bring big tech to heel. Instead, they merely introduce new restrictions on the ability of private citizens to speak out online.

It is approaching ridiculous if Facebook can be punished for allowing on its site comments that someone could otherwise make in a public space without sanction. The result is not a restriction on Facebook, but rather on the person making the comments.

In general, big tech does not adequately moderate its content, nor does it contribute enough in tax to outweigh the societal harms of its products. The huge profit margins of the tech giants,  especially in their online ad divisions, is telling of a surplus that is causing issues.

Good legislation might look at trying to levy them in proportion to the harmful content on their platforms, with a sound legal definition of such content, or else to require minimum moderation ratios and support times for large sites. But it should not try to outsource the limits of speech to cautious tech compliance companies, which is what the current Bill proposes.

When we do not like what we see online, it is rarely big tech’s fault. We must ensure that when we are trying to regulate business, we do not instead merely regulate each other.

 

James Ball is a British journalist and author. He has worked for The Grocer, The Guardian, WikiLeaks, BuzzFeed, The New European and The Washington Post. 

This article was published in the latest edition of Centre Write. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, and not necessarily those of Bright Blue. 

Read more from our August 2023 Centre Write magazine, ‘Back to business?’ here.

Isabella Wallersteiner: Breaking the silence – my stand against antisemitism

By Centre Write, Isabella Wallersteiner, Law & Justice, Politics

Since Hamas terrorists launched an unprecedented surprise attack on Israel on the seventh of October, I have found myself attending the pro-Palestine protests every weekend in central London – not in support, but in opposition to the troubling antisemitic imagery that has marred these gatherings. 

Recent pro-Palestine protests have drawn attention not just for their cause, but also for the unsettling presence of antisemitic symbols wielded by a small minority within the larger movement. The impact of these images goes beyond the immediate visual offence; it highlights a systemic issue that should concern every participant and observer at these protests: the failure of the majority to condemn and challenge the expressions of hatred within their own ranks.

Antisemitism, like any form of discrimination, thrives in an environment of apathy and indifference. When a minority of protestors brandishes symbols and rhetoric rooted in hatred, the responsibility to confront and disavow such actions falls upon the shoulders of the majority. However, what I have witnessed instead is a disconcerting silence that echoes louder than any chant or slogan.

The danger lies not just in the antisemitic imagery itself, but in the tacit endorsement that silence can imply. By failing to actively denounce and distance themselves from such displays, the majority inadvertently becomes complicit in normalising bigotry. This not only weakens the moral high ground of the movement, but also undermines the very principles of peace and justice that the majority claims to champion.

For weeks on end, I have been confronted at these protests with tropes that equate Jews with owing allegiance to international Jewry, corrupting culture and attempting world domination. For weeks on end, I have tried to engage with protestors at these marches. I have asked difficult questions, challenged their assumptions and urged them to reconsider the impact of their words and banners.  Last weekend, I engaged a masked protestor holding a sign which likened the Prime Minister of Israel to a Nazi. Ahistoric and inaccurate signs appropriating the Holocaust and using it against Israel are a disturbing mainstay of these protests. 

Often, I am asked why I do this. My paternal grandfather was Jewish and came to England from Germany shortly after Kristallnacht. I never met my grandfather and, sadly, I know little about our family history – beyond the fact that 30 of my relatives died in the Holocaust and my grandfather was once held at knifepoint by Hitler Youth thugs. 

I believe it is this silent legacy, marked by the weight of unspoken stories, which has become the driving force behind my unwavering commitment to stand up against antisemitism and prejudice of all forms. It is not merely a cause or a political stance; it is a personal journey rooted in the bloodlines that course through my veins. It is why week after week I make the same pilgrimage to central London to confront those who are perpetuating the oldest hatred.

This weekend, after attending another pro-Palestine protest on Saturday, I spent the following day at a march against antisemitism. The stark contrast with what I experienced at the two gatherings was nothing short of profound.

At the march against antisemitism, I was met with an atmosphere of unity and understanding. The crowd was diverse, representing people from various backgrounds, ages, religions and walks of life. Signs and banners proclaimed messages of love, tolerance and solidarity. The air buzzed with positive energy, as individuals joined together in a shared commitment to eradicating antisemitic hatred and all forms of bigotry and prejudice. 

The speakers at the event focused on fostering understanding and building bridges between communities. Chief Rabbi Sir Ephraim Mirvis told the crowd at Parliament Square: “We call for a strengthening of community cohesion and we will forever be proud to champion the finest of British values.” It was not about pointing fingers or assigning blame; rather, it was a celebration of diversity and a collective stand against discrimination. 

It was heartening to see politicians across the political divide attend. Security Minister Tom Tugenhadt, Universities Minister Robert Halfon, Immigration Minister Robert Jenrick and Labour’s Shadow Science Secretary Peter Kyle were among the political figures participating in the march.

Organisers estimate that over 100,000 people took part, making it the largest gathering of its kind since the Battle of Cable Street in 1936 when British Union of Fascists supporters were prevented from marching through East London. After spending the day marching alongside friends and my one-year-old spaniel, Hector, I could not help but be moved to tears by the joyous and uplifting spirit of the protest.

The lessons embedded in my family’s history are clear: the consequences of silence in the face of prejudice and bigotry can be devastating and far reaching. I am compelled to be a voice for those who were silenced and to stand against the very forces that tore through my family tree.

In confronting antisemitism, I am not only challenging the external forces that perpetuate hatred, but also unravelling the tendrils of prejudice within myself. It is a commitment to creating a world where my children and future generations will not have to bear the weight of their heritage in the face of discrimination.

 

Isabella Wallersteiner is an Associate Fellow at Bright Blue.

Views expressed in this article are those of the author, and not necessarily those of Bright Blue. 

Ben Hopkinson: A lust for power: To boost British industry, we need to start with cheaper energy

By Centre Write, Law & Justice, Politics

British Steel’s Scunthorpe plant is losing one million pounds a day. Steep energy prices continue to put this plant, like many others, further into the financial red. This not only puts 1,700 of the worker’s jobs at risk, but also puts UK manufacturing companies which rely on its steel in an uncertain position. 

Therefore, the Energy Security and Net Zero Secretary, Grant Shapps, and the Levelling Up Secretary, Michael Gove, have called for a £300 million subsidy for British Steel, arguing that the company “does not have a viable business without government support.” This may keep the plant open temporarily, but it is costly and fails to solve the long-term problem – high energy prices.

High energy prices do not just harm existing industries; they stop industries of the future from opening in Britain too. If Britain wants to become an AI superpower, it will need a cheap supply of power. Otherwise, it will not be economically viable to run the large processing centres needed to train the complex AI models. Data centres, which are necessary to do anything online, could use more than a quarter of Britain’s energy by 2029. When multinational companies decide where to build new plants, energy costs are a key consideration. In short, the high energy prices plaguing the UK will deter foreign investment and act as a barrier to future growth.

While Russia’s invasion of Ukraine led to a 500% spike in wholesale electricity prices, high energy prices were already holding back the British industry long before the conflict. Out of 230 countries and territories, the UK was placed 190th in a ranking of energy prices in 2021. These high prices push up costs for consumers and erode profitability for industry.

To give British industry the support it needs, it is essential to boost domestic power production. New renewable projects already have lower lifetime energy costs of £44 to 57 per megawatt hour compared to gas’ £85, and are insulated from commodity price spikes Private investment into new renewable and nuclear small modular reactors (SMRs) is ready to go, but the planning system is holding Britain back.

Building new onshore wind, one of the cheapest forms of energy, is effectively banned in England due to planning restrictions. Just one objection to an onshore wind farm can stop an entire project being built. Consequently, England has built just two onshore wind turbines in the last three years. The easiest way to rectify this is to change how onshore wind is approved and allow schemes to go through the standard local planning system with the opportunity to hold a referendum if enough local residents object to the scheme.

The planning system also slows down offshore wind and solar power, which offer cheaper power for Britain’s industries. The UK is already the second-largest offshore wind market in the world. However, meeting the Government’s ambition to increase offshore wind capacity from 13.9 to 50 gigawatts by 2030 will be challenging. An offshore wind project currently takes up to 12 years to complete, with significant time spent on environmental impact assessments, consultations and development consent orders.  Construction takes just two years typically. A recent wind farm development, Hornsea 3, was slowed down by the need to complete a more than 10,000 page environmental assessment. 

To get more offshore wind farms up and running quickly, the Government should radically simplify the planning process for key national infrastructure and follow Spain’s lead in waiving environmental assessments in areas with low or moderate environmental significance unless it is specifically requested by a public body. 

The Government should also give industry the right to install rooftop solar panels on factories that are outside conservation areas, which would avoid the onerous requirement to get planning permission for installations greater than one megawatt.

Besides renewables, the Government should also focus on constructing new SMRs, which would reduce the time and cost of building nuclear power sources. Britain was the first country to build a full-scale commercial nuclear power station, but it has not completed a new station in 27 years. SMRs provide a solution by offering the opportunity to simultaneously build several prefabricated reactors in a factory rather than expensive, customised one-off projects. This could grow a new British industry; 80% of the components by value used by Rolls-Royce SMR will come from Britain. These are then shipped to sites that can be smaller than traditional nuclear stations. But this economy of scale will be lost if SMRs are forced to navigate the same complex planning process as full-scale nuclear projects. Enabling SMRs to be easily built on existing nuclear sites or former coal power stations sites would be a good start.

If we want to save British industry, we must start with the basics. Reforming our planning system to facilitate more renewable and nuclear power would lower energy prices.. Cheaper, domestic power could provide energy security that would underpin future investment and avert the risk of geopolitical instability interrupting Britain’s energy supply. As public finances come under further pressure, fixing the planning system would unlock billions of pounds in private investment, which would lower energy bills for British manufacturing and help make UK industry more competitive.

Ben Hopkinson is a Policy Researcher at Britain Remade.

This article was published in the latest edition of Centre Write. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, and not necessarily those of Bright Blue. 

Read more from our August 2023 Centre Write magazine, ‘Back to business?’ here.

Kate Fairhurst: Skills to pay the bills? What we can do to improve the UK’s skills shortage

By Centre Write, Law & Justice, Politics

It is a point trailed many times before that a highly skilled population is a prerequisite for economic growth. Whilst not a unique point, it is an important one – particularly at a time when the UK is craving a good news growth story amidst a continuing challenging economic picture.

Critical to local economic growth is the capability of an area’s working population. With skilled workers high in demand, competition is fierce. In the period from March to May 2023, vacancy numbers in the UK sat at just over one  million, and it was the 11th consecutive period of fall after several years of post-pandemic impact.

Skills and labour shortages have exacerbated this problem. The Federation of Small Businesses found last year that 80% of small firms faced difficulty recruiting applicants with suitable skills in the previous 12 months, and COVID-19 also caused high levels of economic inactivity – something HM  Treasury continues to grapple with today.

It can be tempting to keep the debate on skills in a more cynical place, focusing on the negatives as to why this is such a problem for us here in the UK. Of course, we need to understand and diagnose the problems, which include an historic focus on academic rather than technical and vocational routes, the impacts of Brexit and the COVID-19 pandemic and a rapidly changing world that is fast creating the need for new skill sets.

However, with challenge also comes opportunity. Our net zero ambitions are already creating a whole host of new future skills needs, and the pandemic has introduced new ways of working and operating for many businesses which did not seem possible three years ago.

As places look to build their plans to drive economic growth, skills should be at the heart of any strategy. A good way for local areas to do this is by identifying the key growth sectors from which a compelling skills offer can be constructed, not to mention the obvious opportunity to create exciting propositions for potential inward investors too. From agritech in North Yorkshire to the creative industries in Coventry, every local place has its own story to tell.

Local areas know their skills needs better than anyone. Whilst national initiatives to boost skills have their place, closer collaboration between local partners could yield transformative results. With local authorities acting as a natural convener, businesses can report their skills-related needs, shortages and surpluses, with nearby further and higher education institutions then responding accordingly. This happens well in some parts of the country and less well in others.

A greater use of local skills not only benefits businesses, but it also allows local places to move away from ‘brain drain,’ where people skill up locally and then leave, even though many would love the opportunity to live and work in their hometowns.

Local places do not need to embark on this journey alone. There is considerable enthusiasm within the private sector to join forces with partners to regenerate and grow local areas, and getting the skills piece right will be a fundamental part of that.

Henham Strategy was recently commissioned by the North Essex Economic Board, consisting of six North Essex district authorities and the Essex County Council, to write a refreshed Economic Strategy and Delivery Plan. As part of that project, we worked with CB Heating, an air source heat pump installer based in Clacton-on-Sea, who have a successful partnership with EDF to roll out more products across the country and establish a Heat Pump Installers Network Academy, which has the capacity to train up to 4,000 new installers. For both parties, the collaboration is a win-win, and North Essex now benefits from a strong skills pipeline for its renewable energy regeneration growth sector.

The policy debate around skills does not need to be a bleak one. Closer and more open collaboration between key partners at a local level has the potential to paint a very different, and more optimistic, picture and one that sets out an exciting vision of the future for us all.

Kate Fairhurst is a Director at Henham Strategy and previously Head of Office at the London Assembly  

This article was published in the latest edition of Centre Write. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, and not necessarily those of Bright Blue. 

Read more from our August 2023 Centre Write magazine, ‘Back to business?’ here.

Burhan Miah: Private investment can help boost our meagre foreign aid

By Centre Write, Health & Social Care, Politics

The Government’s promise to “leave no-one behind” has been trampled on by none other than the government itself. The government wastes money on consultants who do not make any lasting impact on developing countries. International aid has propped up corruption in recipient countries, such as in Lebanon, where their ministers redistribute foreign aid into maintaining their hold in power through agreements with other parties, leaving many without adequate social services or education. Foreign aid is easily abusable and can hurt developing countries instead. However, those problems can be alleviated through private investment as an alternative to the current system. 

Utilising the private sector to facilitate the growth of developing countries is not the standard strategy for national governments. This is because the OECD definition of official development assistance (ODA) states it must be delivered by official public entities, and not by private companies. These rules encourage of the provision of taxpayer-funded aid, but the scale of it is too small for adequate progress in developing countries.  

While the UK spent 0.55% of its Gross National Income (GNI), or approximately £13 billion on aid in this year, by 2030, there is a need for $500 billion to be spent annually within low-income developing countries (LIDCs), and a further $2.1 trillion for emerging countries, which are only partially developed. But, in 2022, the total spending from the Development Assistance Committee, comprised of the world’s 32 major state donors, raised only a total of €211 billion for foreign aid. A different strategy is needed. State money globally can only meet the full need for foreign aid to a limited extent, but there is an opportunity for private finance to fill the gap. 

This is not an entirely novel idea. Already in 2019, Penny Mordaunt, then-International Development Secretary, was reported to have had conversations with cabinet ministers regarding how her department could focus on fundraising instead of spending. Her proposals then already included reforming OECD aid rules for investments in private initiatives. Current rules for ODA eligibility do not allow for this. 

Indeed, the UK has already launched initiatives to involve the private sector through its aid spending. Alongside other developed countries like Germany and Australia, the Private Infrastructure Development Group provides financial and strategic support to encourage private infrastructure investment in LIDCs. In addition to this, between 2011-2019, the Commonwealth Development Corporation (CDC), the profit-making investment arm of the then- Department for International Development, made 52 investments in foreign aid; mostly in Ghana’s energy and agricultural sectors. In response to this success, The UK’s 2022 Aid Strategy has set a target for British International Investment (formerly CDC) to raise £8 billion annually by 2025, which is already seeing success, potentially meeting the target three years early. 

Investment in the private sector in developing countries can bring significant benefits to the local community. Cadbury’s investment to secure consistent, high-quality cocoa from Ghana has improved the income of farming communities, benefiting 10,000 farmers and their families. In addition to supporting farmers financially, the investment has raised awareness on gender equality and child labour. For-profit companies that invest in local communities are incentivised to care about the wellbeing of the people living in them, because it can lead to greater productivity amongst workers. To this end, they make various kinds of philanthropic contributions, including grants and knowledge sharing. 

There are other benefits in private initiatives to develop LIDCs. They are not only more sustainable than taxpayer-funded aid but can also reduce developing countries dependence on debt caused by state aid, which is usually delivered through loans. This is because private initiatives lead to investment directly to recipient countries, without the need for the state to pay back loans. This advantage has led to such an approach has been supported even by the more populist members of the Conservatives, including Jacob Rees-Mogg and Priti Patel. 

Companies are already willing and eager to invest into developing countries. Despite the support the government has announced within the last few years, it is still a small proportion of the overall aid budget. The potential of private investment remains untapped. There is funding need for trillions and, while this need exists, investment into LIDCs will remain below adequate levels. It is necessary for governments to consider schemes to bring in further private investment for foreign aid, without which we will not meet the living conditions we want to see in developing countries. 

 

Burhan Miah was undergoing work experience at Bright Blue. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, and not those of Bright Blue.

Maria Booker: Businesses can be innovative in help for employees during the cost-of-living crisis

By Centre Write, Law & Justice, Politics

The cost-of-living tracker published by the Joseph Rowntree Foundation (JRF) recently showed that 7.3 million UK households on a low income were going without essentials such as showers, transport and warm homes. A total of 5.5 million of those have had to cut down or skip meals because they cannot afford food.

The stress of going without essentials contributes to poor mental health and a loss of sleep. For those going without essentials, the JRF tracker found that nearly half of respondents (47%) reported poor mental health and 45% reported a loss of sleep compared to 14% of households not going without essentials. This backs up findings from the Mental Health Foundation on the impact of the cost-of-living crisis, which found that 10% of adults surveyed in the UK reported feeling hopeless, 34% feeling anxious and 29% feeling stressed.

It is inevitable that all of this will take its toll on performance at work. Research shows a strong correlation between employee wellbeing and productivity and performance.

However, there are a number of positive steps that employers can take to mitigate the impact of the cost-of-living crisis on their employees. The pandemic saw many employers stepping in to support their employees in new ways when circumstances changed. The cost-of-living crisis is no different.

First, employers can make sure that they are paying the real living wage for all employees and are in a strong position to engage with external contractors on this issue too. A survey by PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC) last summer found that eight out of ten large companies were looking at ways to help employees and over half (53%) were implementing or considering focused pay rises for essential workers. The PwC survey also indicated that employers are looking at one-off bonuses, assistance with other costs such as travel or home insulation, as well as setting up hardship funds.

At Fair By Design, we are particularly interested in how greater flexibility in how people are paid, as well as how they pay for things, can help people on low incomes. Therefore, a second way that employers could support employees is by setting up an Employer Salary Advance Scheme (ESAS), which enables employees to access their wages as soon as they have earnt them – that is, before payday.

Employers can also provide low- or no-interest loans to cover season tickets or electronic equipment. A free or low interest loan not only enables employees to avoid paying more for a more expensive form of credit, but it also enables employees to avoid the poverty premium incurred for paying monthly rather than annually for something like a season ticket. Employers should seek professional advice to ensure loans fall within the exemption from having a credit licence.

These solutions can prevent the need to access high-cost credit at a time when credit is scarcer and more expensive. In the first quarter of 2023, lenders surveyed by the Bank of England reported a reduction in the availability of unsecured credit provided to households and a fall in the approval rate for lending. Consistent with Bank of England data, Fair 4 All Finance have found that 44% of community finance lenders had tightened their lending criteria in response to the economic environment in late 2022. Even though application rates were higher, they expect loan approvals to be lower than usual due to tighter affordability criteria and credit risks.

Finally, sensitively offering employees the opportunity to access financial advice and digital literacy training opportunities can also empower employees to get the best out of their finances.

Navigating the cost-of-living crisis is not easy, but employers have a key role to play in maximising the wellbeing and potential of their staff.

Maria Booker is the Head of Policy at Fair By Design.

This article was published in the latest edition of Centre Write. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, and not necessarily those of Bright Blue. 

Read more from our August 2023 Centre Write magazine, ‘Back to business?’ here.

James Cowling: Generational grumbling: What young people really want from work

By Centre Write, Law & Justice, Politics

‘Younger people are entitled and lazy; they do not want to put in the graft that got their parents’ generation to where they are today.’ This accusation is one most younger people have read in newspaper columns and heard at dinner tables for years.

The flippancy of the charge is hardly worth engaging, but there is a kernel of truth to it – younger generations do have a different attitude to work than their parents or grandparents. Rather than shirk work from home, it is clear that there has been a shift in priorities between generations. As we emerge into a new post-pandemic economy, the key to a thriving business environment is for employers to understand what people want from work and engage with these priorities in good faith.

Unlike previous generations who prioritise job security and climbing the corporate ladder, the main factor distinguishing younger generations from Gen X and Baby Boomers is a stronger emphasis on finding a healthy work-life balance. Indeed, PwC research into millennial attitudes at work found that 95% of respondents said work-life balance is important to them.

Finding ways of adapting to this is in employers’ interests, as happier workers tend to be more productive. Moving away from flexible working would fritter away the significant upsides for young workers. At a time when salaries are low in real terms, many appreciate the reduced costs of working from home for some of the week. One of the few positive after-effects of the pandemic has been the survival of the hybrid-working model. Workplaces are rightly trying to find the optimal balance between office- and home-working.

But there are also more profound impacts on our lives and economy. As younger people age, many feel a need to rebalance their working lives if they are to consider starting a family. With rising childcare costs and fewer families able to afford for one parent to stay at home, working conditions need to become more accommodating. Flexible working significantly takes the pressure off young families, as each parent can balance their time at home to minimise how often they need to seek alternative childcare arrangements.

The caveat is that these changing attitudes to work-life balance do not remove the fact that cash is king. Deloitte’s Global Millennial Survey has consistently shown that low pay is the greatest source of millennial dissatisfaction. Both in 2019 and 2020, nearly half of respondents cited dissatisfaction with pay as the main reason why they would consider leaving their job within the next two years. In the UK, it is unsurprising that this frustration is felt acutely; real wages have not seen sustained growth for over 15 years. The Resolution Foundation calculated that if wages had continued to grow as they had before the financial crash of 2008, the average worker would make £11,000 more per year than they do now, taking rising prices into account.

Tackling the low-wage, low-growth spiral will require a greater focus on increasing productivity, which grew at 2.2% a year in the three decades leading up to the 2008 global financial crisis and at under 0.5% a year since. The first part of this puzzle is to upskill our workforce and young people. A glut of low-quality qualifications and university courses has seen a generation saddled with debt, but with many not receiving the skills they paid for. The introduction of T-levels, practical qualifications which train students for highly paid technical jobs in fields such as science and engineering, has been a step in addressing this problem. We need to go further to instil workplace training into company culture, like how the German system of lifelong training became a standard practice.

If we are to see real wage growth, the Government must also take steps to reform the planning system, which is easier and quicker to do than skills reform. A boom in building new homes, lab space and renewable infrastructure would naturally create a host of new practical, high-paid jobs.

Finally, Conservatives should reembrace their instincts to incentivise work. Income taxes in the UK have risen sharply, with the average graduate now paying a marginal rate of 51% between the age of 33 and 47. As the fiscal headroom becomes available, the Government should prioritise cutting income taxes first, avoiding instead the temptation of cutting asset taxes to appeal to older voters.

Taken together, it is clear that there is a balance to be struck. Policymakers should not be afraid of embracing some of the work-life balance solutions that have sprung forward in recent years, and it would be a mistake to attempt to ideologically push businesses into reverting to old practices. However, incentivising work and cultivating growth should remain core Conservative principles. In the remaining 18 months of Conservative Government, we must make work pay.

James Cowling is the Founder and Managing Director of Next Gen Tories.

This article was published in the latest edition of Centre Write. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, and not necessarily those of Bright Blue. 

Read more from our August 2023 Centre Write magazine, ‘Back to business?’ here.

Professor Rosie Campbell: Why diverse workplaces have benefits for all

By Centre Write, Law & Justice, Politics

It is time to remake the case for promoting gender equality in the workplace. The overwhelming majority of Britons now reject traditional gender roles and support gender equality at work.

Yet a large minority of the British public (43%) also believe that we have gone so far in promoting women’s equality that we are now discriminating against men. A majority of men (53%) agree with this view, as well as a third of women (33%).

Analysis of gender pay gaps suggest that this is quite a stretch. In 2022, the gender pay gap among full-time employees was 8.3%, reflecting the fact that women are over-represented in lower paid roles in organisations and men in leadership positions. These figures exclude part-time workers, the majority of whom are also women, where they are much less likely to receive pay rises or promotions, leading to the so-called ‘mummy’ trap. Moreover, women are disproportionately employed in low-paid, insecure work. But there lingers a fear, among some, that men might be left behind.

What is driving the gap between our perceptions and reality? A key factor is our failure to take gender seriously. Those of us making the case for change too often talk the talk of gender equality – and this conversation is certainly not done – but to accelerate the pace of change we need to also act and dismantle the gender stereotypes that affect men as well as women. To do that we need to focus on how gender inclusive workplaces benefit everyone.

A gender inclusive workplace is one that recognises several key features of our human workforce:  First, we do our best work when we are mentally and physically well. Second, our teams are most creative when we benefit from diversity of thought.. Third, we are most effective and efficient when we can speak truth to power.

All three of these attributes of a healthy workplace are undermined in cultures of hyper-masculinity, where colleagues feel pressure to be invulnerable, are homogenous in background and experience and work within rigid hierarchical structures.

Indeed, in the aftermath of COVID-19, there is an opportunity for us to give greater respect to the role physical and mental wellbeing play in a productive workforce. However, more of us are also facing the flexibility paradox, a term coined by Professor Heejung Chung from the University of Kent. Many office workers have more choice about where we work, but this is often accompanied by a growing sense that work is bleeding into every aspect of our existence, damaging our physical and mental wellbeing. Promoting a positive work-life balance for all – including frontline workers – would benefit men and women, as well as the bottom line.

This trend is exacerbated by cultures that valorise overwork and are prevalent in many high-reward male-dominated sectors and roles, typifying a toxic masculinity that discourages men from spending time with their families and looking after their physical and mental health – and too often excludes those, especially women, with caring responsibilities. An ‘always, always on’ culture is toxic for both men and women.

This is evidenced by a 2022 study of the Australian construction industry. The authors illustrate how the hypermasculine culture predominant in the sector, featuring a ‘dog-eat-dog’ mentality alongside competitive presenteeism, is associated with depression, anxiety and burnout among both men and women employees, and a high exit rate from the industry amongst women.

Tackling cultures of competitive presentism by focusing on rewarding outputs instead of efforts would go a long way towards both improving productivity in the workplace and creating a genuinely gender-inclusive working environment. Employers who promote genuine flexibility, with give-and-take from both employers and employees, will benefit from more diverse teams and meritocratic processes, where the most talented – and not those most able to signal their commitment with excessive hours – reach the top.

Professor Rosie Cambpell is the Director of the Global Institute for Women’s Leadership and Professor of Politics at King’s College London. 

This article was published in the latest edition of Centre Write. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, and not necessarily those of Bright Blue. 

Read more from our August 2023 Centre Write magazine, ‘Back to business?’ here.

Marie Goneta: The UK can do better on supporting migrants in reapplying their qualifications

By Centre Write, Politics

Economic migrants and refugees take massive risks when leaving their former lives behind and moving to a foreign country. But, even after they arrive, they face several barriers to achieving prosperity, one of which is the recognition of their overseas qualifications.

Often, overseas diplomas cannot be recognised and migrants and refugees cannot use these qualifications to apply for the jobs they had in their former country. This drives many migrants to apply for lower-wage jobs or go back into education to try and obtain the equivalent UK qualifications – often while working part-time jobs. Consequently, many migrants and refugees have a lower standard of living than what they had previously.

This can be referred to as occupational downgrading, where the occupation of an individual post-immigration does not match their credentials and previous professional experiences. Consequently, this means that it takes more time, effort and possibly more financial investment to get back to one’s original profession and live a relatively similar quality of life as they did before.

Though there are schemes in place in the UK to combat the challenges that migrants and refugees face when it comes to utilising their qualifications, the UK seems to lack a variety of different national programmes that allow migrants to take a bespoke training route back into their original professions. Not only that, but there is relatively less tailoring to the individual in terms of providing specific goals, in the UK schemes compared to other countries internationally.

The UK has the Centre for Professional Qualifications (CPQ) which provides information for non-UK qualified individuals wishing to get their qualifications recognised. However, there seems to be little guidance on what migrants should do if their diplomas are not valid, and no references to any possible training programmes they can take. The Refugee Council offers the Specialised Training and Employment Programme (STEP) in South Yorkshire, Leeds and York. STEP supports refugees by having an employment action plan that includes vocational training, English classes and networking opportunities to progress into a career.

Despite this opportunity, STEP is only delivered in Yorkshire, meaning that there are migrants and refugees in other areas of the UK who are possibly missing out on this tailored service. Moreover, even if the migrants within those areas do take part in the STEP programme, it is likely that they will still need some form of income to support themselves whilst they are in this programme. Either, they would have to apply for a low-skilled job or apply for welfare, which will require certain paperwork and documentation that a migrant will need to have.

As the UK schemes could still put migrants in a lower standard of living, Britain must take inspiration from international schemes.

In comparison to the CPQ, the European Qualifications Passport for Refugees (EQPR) outlines a refugee’s qualifications and professional experience which are used for employment applications and admission into studies. This programme has been successful as when the programme initially started in 2017, migrants in Greece that were interviewed, almost 80% received their EQPR.

Furthermore, the EU’s Employment for People from Immigrant Communities (EPIC) has supported migrants to find employment by providing them with tailored pre-employment training. From 2008 to 2012, 79% of people who participated in the programme were helped either into employment or further along the path to being employed. As a result, this programme has allowed migrants to improve their standard of living either by giving them the opportunity to be employed in a higher-level job or by taking up intern placements to improve their skills.

The EPIC programme is also far more efficient than the UK STEP scheme as it only lasts for 6 weeks, meaning that migrants will receive training and support for a short period of time, whilst also seeing great results for their employment chances.

Schemes such as the EQPR and EPIC are great opportunities for migrants to maximise their capacities and ensure that they have access to prosperity and a higher standard of living. The UK should learn from EU schemes on how to support migrants and refugees so that they can achieve upward social mobility and prosperity.

Marie Goneta is undergoing work experience at Bright Blue. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, and not those of Bright Blue. [Image: pkozmin]