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Hailey Pitcher: An unbiased political education must be mandatory for the betterment of Gen Z

By Centre Write, Education, Politics

As elections rapidly approach in both the United States and the UK, much of the next generation is preparing to cast their first major national ballot. This Generation Z or, ‘Gen Z’ – to loosely categorise those born between 1995 and 2010 – have grown up in a time of political turmoil, with recessions and protests defining their childhood and much of their adolescence. Many are eager to cast a vote for the betterment of their futures and contribute to the political conversation. However, with a distinct lack of formal political education in schools, this raises the question: who and what has influenced the politics of Gen Z?

Despite increasing intergenerational polarisation, in 2024, politics remains an elective course in many UK schools. Whilst citizenship studies have been a part of the secondary school curriculum since 2001, according to a 2023 study by The IPPR, only 42% of teachers say their schools provide civic education. Even where civics is taught, its brief coverage of politics does not allow students to form an independent view of what it truly means to run a country, create effective policy or for a government to meet the needs of the electorate. This is undoubtedly odd; more and more young people are becoming aware of the effect politics has on their lives, yet do not know how to properly approach political discussions, nevermind voting.

A lack of formal political education drives young people to get their political education through other means. Quite often, many will adopt the beliefs of their parents and family by word of mouth – one of the most important influences on a person’s political views throughout their formative years. For instance, if politics is framed in a particular light through discussion at the dinner table, or if a partisan news station has played regularly since you were a child, it is likely that you will adopt the same political ideology rather than reading, watching or discussing different political standpoints. This was evidenced, among others, in a 2021 study, where an analysis of the opinions and lifestyles of 394 families found a significant familial correlation within politics, with the most likely political correlation between parent-to-offspring, and second most common between sibling-to-sibling. 

For those not exposed to lively political discussions at the dinner table, social media has become a popular, instant source of political information. This is no surprise; Gen Z spent their most formative years online where they obtain information for essays, access their schoolwork and, now, decide their views with a hit of the ‘like’ button. 

A common example of political education via social media is the sharing of political infographics. Primarily found on the platform Instagram, infographics exploded in popularity following the 2020 Black Lives Matter protests in the United States. Such infographics will sum up an urgent political situation and usually conclude with a call to action, such as contacts for MPs, donation links and sometimes protest times and places. They cover a wide variety of issues, such as feminism, global politics and social justice issues. Often, they go viral; in a study published in 2021 in Indonesia, those gathering information from social media were subject to viewing the same post or infographic multiple times per day, whether through reposts or sharing with friends.

While some infographics can be truthful and provide accurate information, it can be hard to fact check these posts, especially as their popularity grows. Consequently, these infographics are too often biased and will only tell one side of the story. This is problematic, especially when, in total, roughly 40% of women and 31% of men were shown in the same 2021 study to receive and rely on social media for their political information. Spreading biased – often false – information could prove detrimental to society as a new generation shows up to ballot without an accurate knowledge of political dynamics, decision-making and how it can impact themselves and society. 

In order to equip students with the essential decision-making skills and background knowledge needed to participate in politics, UK schools must make a political education mandatory.

In 2013, the national curriculum was revised for key stage 3 and 4 to include citizenship. The aims of the unbiased curriculum on citizenship included equipping students with the knowledge of how the UK is governed and how to contribute to a democratic society. Yet, a 2018 parliamentary publication stated that schools are not required to follow this guidance, and often opt out of citizenship classes. It recommends mandatory citizenship classes for all ages, yet, as stated earlier, only about 50% of teachers reported their schools teaching politics, citizenship and democracy.

An unbiased political education must be mandatory for the betterment of future generations, and should begin by secondary school – around the age of 11-12 – when adolescents are beginning to grasp the power of their voice in the world of politics. This education should then continue and grow with each school year, building on the basics of the national curriculum guidance to include an explanation of the different political parties, their belief systems and examples of political extremism. These curriculums should also include units dedicated to important leaders and the legislation that was passed under their authority, for instance former US President Barack Obama and the Affordable Care Act which covered healthcare for millions of uninsured Americans.

Furthermore, whilst some might argue it is hard to teach politics in an unbiased manner, properly trained teachers should be able to educate students strictly on proven facts and not allow their personal beliefs to affect their lessons. Utilising teacher training days in the UK to help equip teachers with these skills to teach politics is a great start to implementing political programs into schools. Teachers are given five days out of the school year for training and consultation with administration. It is perfectly plausible to utilise one of these five to provide information on political education to teachers, explain how to teach the topic and make an effort to implement unbiased lesson plans into the national curriculum.

A decent political education gives hope to the future, and schools need to realise their role in this process. If generations to come are well equipped with the decision-making skills needed to partake in casting a ballot, first-time voters might prove themselves apt for electing a better future.

Hailey Pitcher is a Communications and Events intern at Bright Blue.

Views expressed in this article are those of the author, and not necessarily those of Bright Blue.

[Image: WavebreakMediaMicro]

Annabelle Walker: Childcare needs more than just demand side reform

By Centre Write, Education, Health & Social Care, Politics, Towns & Devolution, Welfare

The childcare crisis in the United Kingdom is more than just a pressing social issue; it’s a ticking time bomb with profound economic repercussions. The UK’s broken childcare system is an epidemic that has significant negative impacts on UK economic productivity and exacerbates the gender pay gap. Whilst initial progress has been made to address the crisis, specifically increasing demand for childcare, more needs to be done to address shortfalls in supply.

The astronomical cost of childcare has forced one in four UK parents to quit their jobs or drop out of education. This issue is highly gendered, with women predominantly bearing the brunt of unpaid domestic labour and childcare responsibilities. Consequently, women face a widening gender pay gap amid the relentless cost of living crisis. Bridging the gender gap could generate an extra £150 billion in GDP by 2025, with childcare provision playing a crucial role in unlocking this potential.

Additionally, investment in early childhood education (ECE) yields significant long-term socioeconomic benefits. Indeed, children who receive high-quality ECE are 14% more likely to be employed as adults, earn higher annual incomes, and can indirectly lower the likelihood of individuals engaging in criminal activities. Advancements in social mobility caused by ECE clearly highlight the need for a fully-functioning childcare system. 

Earlier this year, the UK government announced a £4 billion childcare reform package in response to the childcare crisis. The reforms included various initiatives such as the Extended Early Years Free Entitlement program, which grants children under three 15 hours of weekly free childcare, increasing to 30 hours per week by 2025. Additionally, the Government are attempting to incentivise new childminders with a £600 sign-up bonus to bolster recruitment in the childcare industry. 

Whilst these reforms are a step in the right direction, they largely fail to address the rapidly declining supply of childcare providers. It is imperative that the Government address this issue, as focusing solely on increasing demand for free childcare will create a chasm between expectations and capacity.

According to a nationwide survey by the Early Years Alliance, a substantial portion of childcare providers plan to offer only a limited number of places under the Government’s scheme for free childcare and charge privately for the rest. Eighty-three percent of providers expect an increase in demand under the new scheme, yet 60% will not be increasing the number of places they offer. This highlights the scheme’s fundamental flaw: demand is increasing, yet supply is not.

Supply is decreasing. There is a critical shortage of qualified childminders, with the number of registered childminders in England declining by 11% in just one year – falling to their lowest number since 2012. Ofsted data shows this results in a loss of more than 20,000 childcare places per annum

The number of staff employed by voluntary organisations and school-based nurseries is also declining. Childcare professionals are not accepting children eligible for government-funded care due to insufficient government payment. The only childcare providers to increase staffing between 2019 to 2022 were private nurseries, raising serious concerns regarding the perpetuation of socioeconomic disadvantage, given the benefits of ECE.

Ultimately, the financial viability of running a childcare business, coupled with low pay, increasing workloads and the cost of living crisis, is driving professionals away from the sector. Experts, such as Neil Leitch from Early Years Alliance, worry that government efforts to attract new childminders, such as sign-up bonuses, are unlikely to stem the exodus of existing professionals, and risk de-professionalising the workforce. 

To successfully tackle the childcare crisis, it is vital to increase the number of childminders and the capacity of existing providers. Expanding the workforce is the only way to bridge the supply-demand gap, increasing childcare provider participation in the Government’s currently ineffective childcare scheme. 

Boosting the workforce can be achieved in two ways. 

Firstly, recruitment of qualified childcare providers. Promoting early childcare careers to graduates via accessible Teach First style training programmes directly increases the size of the workforce. Germany’s ECEC training programme provides paid employment alongside the equivalent of a bachelor’s degree in vocational training for childcare. Hugely successful, the initiative attracts more applicants than places, highlighting the effectiveness of training programmes in recruitment. These programmes simultaneously increase the quality of ECE. Childcare providers with graduate and Level 3 qualified staff are shown to score highly on quality measures including learning, literacy, and language, and tend to be the most highly graded childcare settings. 

The second way to increase the workforce is by incentivising qualified workers to stay in the industry. To retain existing professionals, the Government should increase funding to match the increasing costs of providing childcare services. Currently, the Government pay professionals less than two-thirds of the estimated cost of the provision of free childcare. 

Furthermore, the Government must provide employees with professional development opportunities. Multiple countries have implemented effective strategies that retain qualified workers within the childcare sector. Slovenia’s early childcare system promotes preschool teachers to various titles, which correlates with pay rises. Promotion is based on years of experience, performance at work and engagement in additional professional development activities. Staff who are engaged, feel valued and can fulfil career ambitions are more likely to remain within their sector. The UK government should investigate implementing a similar model to decrease the mass departure from the UK’s childcare industry.

Therefore, childcare reforms must target the growth of childcare suppliers. Only by  increasing the supply of childminders and the capacity of existing providers can the UK fully resolve the childcare crisis, unlocking the untapped economic potential of parents who currently have no choice but to stay at home.

Annabelle Walking is currently doing work experience at Bright Blue. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Arron Burden]

Douglas Ross: Scotland needs a skills revolution

By Centre Write, Economy & Finance, Education, Politics, Towns & Devolution

With Scotland’s ageing population and stagnating economy we need far more focus in our politics on our skills strategy, if we are to boost productivity and provide the growth of the future. Without that, we will struggle to fund good public services.

Indeed, the sluggish growth under the SNP’s watch is one of the factors behind their swingeing cuts, particularly in local services.

But far too often, when we talk about skills and education we concentrate on young people’s access to university or see the issue in terms of ensuring adults have the basic skills they need. And there is clearly more that we need to do to ensure that Scottish young people can get access to university if they have the ability and choose to go there.

In 2020, it was found that just over half of Scottish based applications to Scottish universities won a place, whereas almost three quarters of applications from students based in England were granted one. This is a direct consequence of the SNP Government’s funding model, which provides universities with a strong financial incentive to prioritise students who don’t live in Scotland.

But the barriers to access go much wider than universities.

The SNP Government’s own adult leaning strategy found that over 300,000 Scottish adults have low or no qualifications and almost 2 million Scottish adults have low numeracy skills.

However, thinking of skills purely in the terms of university education or in ensuring the provision of basic adult learning is an increasingly redundant approach that will not deliver the workforce our economy needs.

Our education system is still built around the outdated notion that a university degree is the universal golden ticket to success in the modern Scottish economy. That is what pupils are told in schools and where public money goes.

For every £1 the Scottish Government spends on skills and training, £10 is spent on supporting higher education institutes and the students who study there. And government funding per college student was more than a quarter lower than support for an average university student.

Inevitably it is the wealthy who benefit most from this focus on university education.

The most deprived Scottish school leavers are seven times more likely to go into training, two and a half times as likely to go to college, 25% more likely to go into a job or apprenticeship and half as likely to go to university as the least deprived school leavers. The SNP Government, which said that closing the attainment gap was its first priority, has instead left it yawning as wide as ever.

Yet for all this focus on university education we do not have the skills our economy needs. A Scottish Government survey found that over a fifth of all job vacancies in Scotland were related to skills shortages. Also, the Institute of Directors found that 44% of business leaders do not believe that they have a workforce with the right skills and a similar number do not believe that they will be able to recruit the right people to fill vacancies.

With an ageing Scottish population, we need to be much smarter about how and where we invest public money to get the workforce Scottish employers need.

We need to look at the over-emphasis on university degrees that exists in our current education system and encourage more young people to take alternative approaches to what is essentially four years of study with no guarantee of good employment at the end.

As someone who never went to university, I can confidently say that there are other routes to success.

Delivering the skills, we need starts by establishing parity of esteem. There is a reason that almost two thirds of young people from the most affluent backgrounds go on to university.

We need to remove the stigma that surrounds colleges and apprenticeships and instead promote and celebrate the life chances they can offer.

As Scottish Conservative Leader, I have been privileged to see exciting apprenticeship opportunities up and down the country – from defence to renewables energy to financial services.

The more we can work with attractive employers to create exciting opportunities, the more we can encourage Scots into apprenticeships.

However, the SNP have repeatedly missed their 30,000 modern apprenticeship target. They managed just over 25,000 in 2021/22 and are on track to fall short again in the last financial year.

So the Scottish Conservatives would reverse the current funding structure for apprenticeships from one where funded places are set by the government to one where the employers decide how many good apprenticeships they need, which the government then delivers support for. This would create potentially unlimited apprenticeship opportunities for Scotland’s young people.

But ultimately the prestige will follow the funding.

Scotland has world class universities, yet the current model means that they are being increasingly shut off from Scottish students. That is why the Scottish Conservatives are committed to working with the sector to reduce the length of degrees, where appropriate, from four to three years. This would reflect the reality that fewer Scots each year leave school in S5, would create more places for Scots and get students into the workforce a year earlier.

But it would also allow us to invest more in alternatives. Since 2007, the number of college students has fallen by over 140,000 – and just at the start of this month, the SNP cut £46 million from college and university funding.

An underfunded college system, starved of the cash that it needs, is hardly an attractive choice for our best and brightest young people. If we believe in equality of opportunity, then why is it that vocational courses through college receive less government support than academic courses through university?

If we want to deliver parity of esteem between vocational and academic education then over time we need to move towards parity of funding and if we want more young people to enter the workforce with the skills our economy needs then we need to give employers more involvement in their education.

Yet we cannot just change course for the next generation. We must also look at upskilling Scotland’s workforce today. Because we need a step change in how we approach adult skills, and to end the attitude that the end of school, or even college or university, is the end of learning. More and more of us will have multiple careers throughout our lives.

One of the biggest barriers to adult learning is access. That is why the Scottish Conservatives would set up a National College for Scotland which would work with all of Scotland’s higher and further education institutes to deliver high quality remote courses and learning. That means that wherever you live or whenever you can learn you have access to educational materials that you need.

Yet, as I said, the biggest barrier is our national mindset. We need to create an incentive for more people to think about the need for continuous upskilling. That is why we believe in offering every Scottish adult who is not already in funded education or training, access to use-it-or-lose-it skills funding through a Right to Retrain.

Taken together this would provoke an essential shift in encouraging more adults across Scotland to update and upgrade the skills and qualifications they can offer so that employers have access to the workforce they need.

The SNP argue for greater powers over immigration as a way to deal with the labour shortages many employers face. Yet Scotland already doesn’t attract its share of current migration to the UK. Even among those who do come north of the border, the lion’s share go to Edinburgh and Glasgow, not the Highland and Islands where they are greatly needed.

While immigration has its part to play, it is far too often used by the SNP Government as an easy answer to avoid a more difficult discussion about how the Scottish workforce does not have the skills that Scottish businesses and our economy needs and what they are going to do about it.

But it is a national debate that we need to have because if we don’t then productivity and our economy will continue to stagnate, and we will continue to lag behind our international competitors. Then it simply becomes a matter of time before Scotland is no longer an attractive place even for hardworking migrant workers to come to. And the SNP’s policy of making Scotland the highest-taxed part of the UK has the potential to render living and working here even less appealing.

Our demographics require a sizeable influx of skilled workers just to avoid decaying public services. But we should want to go further, and to make Scotland an engine for productivity and growth.

Scotland needs a skills revolution to drive the economic growth of the future and the Scottish Conservatives have the ideas and vision to deliver it.

Douglas Ross MP MSP is the Leader of the Scottish Conservative Party. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Adam Wilson]

James Hibbert: Will T Levels be a success?

By Centre Write, Education

With graduates struggling to find work and the UK suffering from a simultaneous skills shortage, the Government will hope the new T Level scheme is their golden ticket to fixing this growing issue. 

The scheme will introduce more than twenty T Level courses, which will encompass various fields including business, engineering, digital services and health science. They involve a combination of classroom based learning and compulsory placement within the relevant industry. This will hopefully bring a cohort of highly skilled 16-19 year olds ready to enter the vital British industry of their choice.

However, though in theory they sound promising, T Levels’ reliance on private enterprise collaboration and their dependence on local economies threaten to undermine their goals. 

Doubts have been raised as to whether or not enough firms will have the capacity or the willingness to offer the number of placements needed to match T Levels’ demand. A report by Engineering UK estimated that, if T Levels catch on as intended, as many as 43,500 engineering and manufacturing sector placements will be required by 2024/25. However,only 12% of the 145 engineering and manufacturing employers said they intended to offer a T Level placement in 2023. This is due to legal constraints, added costs and added responsibility in training students.

Furthermore, in some areas, certain industries may not be developed enough – or even exist – to offer sufficient placements in that industry.This means the range of T Levels available for students may therefore vary and be restricted depending on the area they live in. Correlations risk emerging between the T Levels on offer and the respective prosperity of different areas. One only needs to look at the spatial distribution of some of the industries T Levels cater for to notice that scientific research placements are going to be more accessible in the South-East. Contrary to levelling up, this could exacerbate existing inequalities. 

Industries are also always changing, constantly evolving and innovating. New developments may require new or altered T Level courses. Will they and the underlying bureaucracy be flexible enough?

There are some policies which could be introduced to tackle some of these potential problems. To ensure there are enough placements, financial incentives could be offered to firms encouraging them to take on T Level students. Instead of the problematic Apprenticeship Levy, lump sum payments could be provided as a reward to firms who offer T Level placements. This would be a direct inducement to encourage companies to take on these young individuals, adding further incentive, with the Government already covering training costs and firms not required to pay T Level students.  

It is crucial that the government closely monitors the situation, in collaboration with educational providers and employers. The cooperation required from the private sector and the reliance of T Levels on local economies present major cause for concern, but if the Government acts quickly and recognises the potential pitfalls, T Levels will be the success we all hope for.

James Hibbert is currently undertaking work experience at Bright Blue. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: ThisisEngineering RAEng]

Luke Tryl: Culture war concerns are distracting from post-pandemic classroom concerns

By Centre Write, Education

Recently, the Government published the first external observations of primary school pupils’ performance since before the pandemic. The results were not a surprise, but that did not make them any less shocking. They show a striking decline in performance from pre-pandemic levels, or put another way, at least five years of progress in improving attainment have been lost due to COVID-19.

You might expect this news to dominate headlines on education, or politicians falling over themselves to talk about how we get school standards back up to scratch. Instead, the media seem more concerned with reporting on the outrage of ‘woke’ curriculum changes, or to how schools handle (or mishandle) trans issues. It is clear that there are some who would like to make schools the next front in the so-called culture wars, something that not only risks creating division, but would also be a major distraction from returning to the education reform agenda that was the flagship mission of the Cameron Government under Michael Gove and Nicky Morgan.

There is no doubt that subsequent administrations have allowed that agenda to drift. Where is the ambition to ensure more young people study the EBacc subjects up until the age of 16? In focus groups, parents we speak to are often baffled at the idea that you could simply stop studying both history or geography at the age of 14. Or where is the thinking about how we build on Nick Gibb’s triumph in introducing the phonics check to improve early reading to also improve young people’s maths and numeracy? The standards drive seems to have fallen off the agenda.

That is not to say no progress has been made. Outside of central government, under Amanda Spielman’s leadership, Ofsted has been filling the gaps the Government has left behind by directing inspectors to clamp down on teaching to the test and check children are actually studying a deep and rich curriculum. Within government, there has been an important drive to improve the quality of technical and vocational education post-16. But now is the time to turn back to an agenda focused on standards and doing so means ensuring the education debate is not caught up in energy sapping culture war rows.

Parents have little interest in these fights too. When polled what measures should be prioritised to help better prepare children and young people for adult life, the top results were focusing on the basics like English and Maths, proper work experience and supporting young people’s mental health. Clearly, the public think the focus should be on these key issues, rather than debates which only excite a minority.

When parents do talk about these cultural rows, they instead see the need for balance. In a recent focus group in Guildford, not a single one of our participants had heard anything about the proposed changes to the English GCSE curriculum – removing poets like Larkin to make room for those from ethnic minorities. When the ‘row’ was explained to them they accepted the need to update curriculums, but did not want it to be too excessive.

And the truth is that schools are already getting on and handling more tricky culture wars issues. In More in Common’s recent study, Britons and Gender Identity, we found that on issues like trans, parents thought that schools were broadly handling it sensitively and well.

Where schools get into trouble it tends to be when they adopt the wholesale views of campaign groups, without recognising the importance of teaching different perspectives, particularly on issues which remain contested. In particular, schools need to avoid the danger of importing American framings on issues that just do not fit the UK context. Our polling finds that, for instance, just 37% think that schools should be “teaching young people about white privilege.” By comparison, “making sure the curriculum is diverse, including covering authors, and historical figures from ethnic minority backgrounds” received 63% support. Using non-controversial, ideology-free approaches is much more likely to command parental support.

Schools can instead play a positive role in trying to tackle the culture wars of the future, by creating a space where children feel free to be able to express different points of view and to respectfully challenge and ask questions about the points of view of others as well. As part of schools’ requirement to teach fundamental British values, they should find opportunities to encourage and foster healthy debate – recognising that an important part of becoming an adult is being able to show respect for people who approach things differently from the way that you do. The fact the pandemic has set back years of progress in raising school standards is a travesty. But it would be truly unforgivable if the hard work and energy needed to repair that damage is instead diverted to overblown culture war battles that serve neither parents or children well.

Luke Tryl is the UK Director of More In Common. This article first appeared in our Centre Write magazine State shifting?. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Feliphe Schiarolli]

Good Things Foundation: How much does it pay to be “tech savvy” now?

By Centre Write, Coronavirus, Data & Tech, Economy & Finance, Education, Politics, Towns & Devolution

Last time we were here, we were battling the first wave of Omicron. Since then the world around us has dramatically changed: a war, an economic crisis, unprecedented political upheaval – just to name a few.

However, the undisputable role of digital remains. From accessing essential services to booking a holiday, being able to confidently and safely operate the digital world is vital. And now we have updated evidence of its economic significance too – making the case for investment into digital inclusion as a result.

Having a basic level of digital skills impacts our economy in all sorts of ways. Take productivity as an example. There is a wage premium associated with having digital skills, and employee earnings are mostly related to their productivity. Employers will therefore pay more for productive staff and benefit from their increased output. Ensuring all UK adults learn basic digital skills therefore leads to a positive macroeconomic impact for productivity, employability and earnings.

Given society’s continued digitisation, it’s unsurprising that the economic impacts of digital inclusion make for a long list – from the advantages of online retail to more easily accessing online services. Understanding the scale of these benefits should be critical for those making decisions about policy and investment, at a national, regional and local level.

That’s why Good Things Foundation – the UK’s leading digital inclusion charity – partnered with Capita and Cebr to assess the economic impact of digital inclusion, in their report The Economic Impact of Digital Inclusion in the UK launched earlier this year.

So, what does the report find? What are these so-called economic gains? 

The headline is that for every £1 invested in interventions to help digitally excluded people to build their basic digital skills, a return of £9.48 is gained throughout the economy. 

Savings to the public purse are significant. Through efficiency savings alone, the Government is estimated to benefit by £1.4 billion over the next ten years, plus £483 million in increased tax revenue. The NHS is expected to save £899 million in addition.

A proportion of working-age adults still need digital skills support to gain work or better work. Meeting this need is estimated to generate £2.7 billion for organisations through filling basic digital skills vacancies over the coming decade. Furthermore, an estimated £586 million in increased earnings, £179 million in additional earnings from finding work, and £76 million in environmental benefits.

The cross-cutting, complex nature of digital inclusion requires a co-ordinated, well-funded and holistic approach to meaningful help those most excluded and to invigorate our economy. The most challenging stretch of the country’s digital inclusion journey lies ahead, and Good Things Foundation’s new strategic offer is ready to tackle it alongside others: working across sectors on our National Databank, National Device Bank and National Digital Inclusion Network initiatives.

If we are to achieve an inclusive recovery to Covid-19, combat the cost-of-living crisis, level up and ensure everyone can make the most of the digital world – we have to comprehend the economic advantages, step up, and invest in it.

The Good Things Foundation is a charity with the goal of fixing the digital divide. . Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: John Schnobrich]

Picking up the pieces: tackling littering and fly-tipping in England

By Centre Write, Clean environment, Education, Energy & Environment, Joshua Marks, Law & Justice, Patrick Hall, Politics, Rebecca Foster, Towns & Devolution

Introduction

England is heavily littered, resulting in many detrimental economic, environmental, and social consequences.

In 2021, Bright Blue published our report Nature positive? examining in detail the UK public’s attitudes towards the state of and responsibility for the natural environment. We revealed that fly-tipping and littering is seen by the UK public as the third largest threat to the UK’s natural environment (25%), behind plastic pollution (41%) and climate change (37%).[1] A significant majority (76%) of the UK public felt that fines for littering should be higher.[2] This reflected a policy recommendation in our 2020 report, Global green giant, which called for an increase in the maximum amount for fixed penalty notices (FPNs) for littering from the current £150 to £500, with higher fines for repeat offenders, following the lead of places such as Singapore and Calgary.[3] Bright Blue then launched a petition to increase the maximum FPN for littering, backed by the Daily Express, RSPB, Clean Up Britain, and Sea Shepherd UK.[4]

This analysis builds on Bright Blue’s existing work and offers an in-depth explanation of the drivers and policies that attempt to tackle fly-tipping and littering, as defined in Box 1 below.

Box 1. Definitions of fly tipping and littering

Fly-tipping is the illegal disposal of household, industrial, commercial or other ‘controlled’   (waste that is subject to legislative control in either its handling or its disposal) waste.[5][6] Common examples of fly-tipped items include household waste, white goods, and construction materials which are usually disposed of in large quantities.

Littering, meanwhile, does not have a statutory definition but is commonly regarded as the improper discarding of materials, such as cigarette butts or drinks containers,  amounting to less than a black bag’s worth of rubbish.[7]

The analysis first identifies the leading impacts and drivers of fly-tipping and littering, and provides an overview of current government policy towards both. This analysis then looks overseas to identify effective measures used in other countries to reduce fly-tipping and littering. Finally, the analysis puts forward original policy recommendations to reduce fly-tipping and littering in England.

Since fly-tipping and litter is a devolved issue in the UK, the scope of this analysis is limited to England.

Methodology

We conducted an extensive literature review of relevant reports and surveys conducted by government, universities, and civil society organisations to identify the broad trends and drivers of the littering and fly-tipping problem in the UK. The literature review also helped us gain insights into how other countries have tackled the problem with a variety of policy approaches. 

Our thinking has also been informed by a meeting of Bright Blue’s Conservation Advisory Board and an invite-only private roundtable attended by leading decision makers from the  public, private, and third sectors.

What is the impact of fly-tipping and littering? 

Fly-tipping and littering have adverse impacts on our environment, our economy and our society.

Many commonly littered items – particularly plastics and cigarette butts – decompose very slowly, polluting soils if improperly discarded.[8] Dangerous chemicals can then be released into the surrounding soil, potentially making their way into groundwater and from there, into waterways and ecosystems.[9] This poses a significant risk to wildlife: the ingestion of discarded items can cause serious harm or death to animals, including aquatic wildlife. The Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (RSPCA) receives on average 14 calls a day in relation to animals affected by litter, with wild birds being a particularly common victim.[10] Additionally, plastic pollution from littering can disrupt the life cycle of microbes such as Prochlorococcus, a bacteria responsible for the production of 10% of global oxygen and critical for the marine food web.[11]

Fly-tipping and littering bring with them economic consequences as well. The cost to the taxpayer of cleaning up our streets is estimated to be almost £700 million a year in terms of spending by local authorities.[12] For fly-tipping specifically, the most recent figures show the cost of clearance to local authorities in England for large incidents[13] is £11.6 million a year.[14]

Research by Keep Britain Tidy, a UK environmental charity, has also found that litter is most prevalent in more deprived areas and can negatively influence local tourism and the local economy.[15] Unpleasantly, certain types of litter, particularly food waste, can attract rodents, creating pest problems for residential areas.[16] But perhaps more powerfully, litter can actually generate and reinforce negative perceptions of an area, reducing people’s enjoyment of the towns, villages, and countryside which may be their home.[17]

Indeed, the restoration of civic pride and activity in so-called left-behind areas is one of the core objectives of the Government’s Levelling Up agenda, as stated in Levelling up the United Kingdom white paper.[18] Tackling littering could well be an underestimated important step in improving civic activity and pride.

The state of fly-tipping and littering in England 

The prevalence of fly-tipping and littering in England is difficult to establish definitively. We can only illustrate the severity of fly-tipping and littering using the data that is available. This includes: the number and location of reported incidents; data from ‘sample sites’ specially selected to be geographically representative; and public perceptions.

Unlike littering, it is easier to report and track incidents of fly-tipping since it involves larger items being improperly discarded. However, there are still challenges with sourcing accurate data on its prevalence.

Incidents of fly-tipping are reported to local authorities, community organisations such as Crimestoppers and the police. Chart 1 below shows the total number of reported fly-tipping incidents to local authorities in England from 2018-19 to 2020-21, and where they occurred. Comparisons of data from the years predating 2018-19 cannot be made owing to methodological changes by Defra which took place from 2018-19 onwards. Of course, these are only incidents of fly-tipping which have been reported to local authorities and the actual number of incidents is likely to be higher than is indicated in Chart 1 below.[19]

Chart 1. Total reported incidences to local councils and land type of fly-tipping in England from 2018-19 to 2020-21[20]

Source: Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, “ENV24 – Fly tipping incidents and actions taken in England”, 2021.

In the past three years, we have witnessed the number of reported fly-tipping incidents in England increase from 957,157 in 2018-19 to well over one million in 2020-21.[21] The trend in where people most commonly fly-tip their waste has not changed: highways, footpaths/bridleways, and council land are consistently the most common types of land where fly-tipping occurs.

According to the latest 2020-2021 figures, a majority of 65% of all fly-tipping incidents (equivalent to 736,686 cases) comprise household waste. This includes, but is not limited to, house clearances, old furniture, carpets, and ‘black bag’ garbage. Similarly, commercial waste, which includes cardboards, foam, and plastic discards contribute to nearly 6% of fly-tipping incidents. The remaining 29% of fly-tipping incidents consist of miscellaneous waste such as construction material from demolitions, white goods, electrical waste, tyres, animal carcasses, and chemical drums among others.[22]

While individually dropped items of litter cannot be reported in the same way as incidents of fly-tipping, each year Keep Britain Tidy conducts the Local Environmental Quality Survey of England to assess the state of litter across the country.[23] Using a geographically representative sampling framework of 4,200 different sites across England, the survey applies a grade from A (no issues present) to D (heavily littered) to each site to reflect the severity of litter.

In the latest survey conducted in 2019-2020, 91% of sites were deemed to be at or above the acceptable standard of grade B (predominantly free of litter but with some issues).[24] While this may sound encouraging, Keep Britain Tidy also estimates that two million pieces of rubbish are being dropped every day across the country, meaning some 23 items are improperly discarded every second.[25] The most commonly littered items are smoking-related litter (77%), confectionery packets (45%), and non-alcoholic drinking vessels (40%).[26]

BOX 2. Cigarette litter

Available data tells us that smoking-related litter is the most prevalent form of litter in England, making up 68% of all littered items and found at almost 80% of sites surveyed by Keep Britain Tidy.[27] The vast majority of cigarette butts are single-use plastic and contain toxic chemicals once smoked.[28]

Research by Clean Up Britain surveyed 412 smokers to better understand their disposal habits regarding cigarette butts.[29] The study found that 41% of surveyed smokers admitted to ‘often’ or ‘always’ dropping butts on the ground.[30] 48% of those surveyed admitted to ‘occasionally’ or ‘rarely’ dropping butts and only 11% never littered their cigarette butts.

The Local Environmental Quality Survey of England also examined the types of land where people most commonly litter. These were industry and warehousing sites with 33% not meeting the acceptable standard for litter, high obstruction housing with 15% of sites not meeting the acceptable standard, and other retail and commercial areas with 14% of sites not meeting the acceptable standard. Other areas including highways, main roads, recreation areas, low obstruction housing, and main retail and commercial areas ranged from 2% to 12% of sites not meeting the acceptable standard.[31]

The blight of litter across England does not go unnoticed by the public. Since the beginning of the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020, 38% of people reported having seen more litter near where they live and a significant majority of people (76%) noticed an increase in personal protective equipment (PPE), such as face masks being littered.[32] Furthermore, as Bright Blue’s recent report showed, the public consider fly-tipping and littering to be the third most significant threat to the country’s natural environment (25%), behind climate change (36%) and plastic pollution (40%).[33]

The key drivers of fly-tipping and littering 

There are of course many reasons why people fly-tip and litter. The factors most commonly cited in existing evidence include: social influences, such as how others have treated an area; lack of education; insufficient disposal infrastructure; the cost of legitimate disposal, particularly in the case of fly-tipping; and a lack of law enforcement, such as a low rate of fines being issued.[34]

On social influences, individuals are more likely to litter in dirty environments compared to cleaner environments. In a study where participants were given a flyer on the windscreens of their cars, they littered the flyer the most when they observed someone littering in an already dirty environment, and they littered the least when they observed someone littering in a clean environment.[35] This indicates that the state of the surrounding area can influence the decision-making of individuals. In addition, behavioural research shows that only 49% of litterers strongly agreed that they take pride in where they live, compared to 69% of non-litterers.[36]

Lack of education about litter is also suggested as a key reason for littering behaviour, with focus group research in Wales indicating that littering can result in part from never having been taught to not litter.[37]

Similarly, the direct link between the lack of public receptacles and the increase in littering suggests that insufficient disposal infrastructure is another reason for why people litter. If people are unable to locate a receptacle or the bins are not regularly cleared, overloading of receptacles can occur which leads to increase in littering.[38]

Furthermore, fly-tipping in particular may be carried out to avoid disposal costs. The cost for collection of bulky items which do not fit into a wheeled bin varies based on the type and quantity of items, as well as the local authority’s fee. For example, Fenland District Council offers the collection of four items per visit for £30[39], Medway Council offers collection of three items for £22,[40] and Blackpool Council the same for £20.[41]

Historically, charging at waste disposal sites may also have an impact on fly-tipping rates. For example, Buckinghamshire Council charged in excess of £20 to dispose of items such as boilers, and over £10 for other items such as shower screens/doors, windows or a fireplace.[42] At Brent’s Household Re-use and Recycling Centre, disposing of one tonne of waste cost £165 with a minimum charge of £16 for waste up to 100 kilograms.[43]

To assess the link between fly-tipping and disposal costs, Bright Blue previously recommended ​​carrying out a government-backed study on the cost of fly-tipping enforcement and clean up compared to the cost of running free waste disposal sites where building/domestic waste can be disposed of responsibly. [44] In April 2022, the Government removed the ability for local authorities to charge households for the disposal of DIY waste at waste disposal sites, but its impact on fly-tipping remains to be seen.[45]

Finally, turning to consider law enforcement, failure by local authorities to issue fines for littering has meant that their efficacy as a deterrent has been hindered. In England, litterers can receive a FPN ranging from £65 to a maximum of £150. However, data obtained by Freedom of Information rules has revealed that of the 169 councils which responded to the request, the majority (56%) issued less than one FPN a week and 16% issued none for the 2018-19 period.[46]

Current responsibility for fly-tipping and littering

First, on littering, the Environmental Protection Act (EPA) 1990, Section 89, establishes where the duty to keep land and highways clear of litter lies. The Secretary of State for Transport is responsible for the network of motorways and strategic roads managed by National Highways in England. All other roads fall under the responsibility of the local authority where they are located.

Local authorities are also responsible for land under their direct control and which the public has access to. Section 89 of the EPA 1990 also states that the ‘designated statutory undertaker’ is responsible for keeping their relevant land clear of litter. This is in reference to organisations such as those permitted to operate railways, airports, canals, docks, and harbours. For educational institutions, including schools and universities, the governing body of each institution is responsible for keeping land which is open to the air free of litter.

Section 87 and 88 of the EPA 1990 establishes littering to be an offence in any place open to the air, including private property and bodies of water. Those found guilty can be fined by a court up to £2,500, or more commonly, be issued with a FPN of up to £150 by a local authority. Although National Highways are responsible for keeping motorways under their management free of litter, they cannot directly issue FPNs to those who litter. Instead, they must apply to the relevant local authority – the one in which the incident occurred – to issue an FPN.

For some roads, National Highways contracts out responsibility for keeping roads and verges free of litter. However, this has been ineffectual in the past and drawn criticism, as Box 3 below explains further.

Box 3. An example of private contracting from National Highways: Connect Plus Ltd

National Highways has contracted out the management and operation of the M25 network to Connect Plus, including the responsibility for ensuring it is free of litter. In 2009 Connect Plus received a 30-year contract worth £8 billion of taxpayer funding from National Highways to deliver these services.

However, criticism has been levelled at Connect Plus for failing to ensure the M25 is kept free of litter, as is required by law under the EPA 1990. Ample amounts of photographic evidence, as well as an investigation by Channel Four news, has revealed that swathes of the M25 remain heavily littered.[47]

Further criticism comes from the return shareholders have gained. A report by the National Audit Office revealed that over an eight year period, equity holders in Connect Plus have benefitted from a 31% return per annum.[48]

 

Community Protection Notices (CPNs) are another tool available to local authorities and police for dealing with ongoing nuisances affecting a community’s quality of life. The Anti-Social Behaviour Crime and Policing Act 2014 introduced CPNs, repealing several other anti-littering measures in the process – including Street Litter Control Notices, Litter Clearing Notices, and, Litter Abatement Notices[49] – and placing them under CPNs.[50] The UK Government’s rationale for this move was the confusing nature of a system using several different notices.

As for fly-tipping, section 33 of the EPA 1990 establishes the unlawful depositing of waste as an offence, but does not stipulate a maximum fine.[51] Defendants are sentenced on a case by case basis with penalties ranging from the issuance of a FPN to vehicle seizure and jail time.[52]

Local authorities are responsible for investigating and clearing fly-tipping incidents, and enforcing penalties on those committing small-scale offences such as those on public land.

For larger scale offences, defined as quantities of waste which are a tipper lorry load or more in size, the enforcement responsibility lies with the Environment Agency.[53]

On private property, it is the responsibility of the property owner to remove waste, which they can be directed to do by local authorities or the Environment Agency.

Public policies to reduce fly-tipping and littering

There are broadly five types of public policies to address fly-tipping and littering: regulatory; punishments; behavioural; incentives; and educational. These can apply to both individuals and organisations, and to both producers and consumers of waste.

Regulatory policy uses regulations and laws to direct or control the behaviour of individuals and organisations.

Policies that are punishments seek to deter individuals or organisations from behaving in a certain way that violates an existing law or regulation. In this sense, they are a branch of regulatory policy.

Behavioural policy uses behavioural science to influence the behaviour of individuals or organisations through ‘nudges’. It is also a branch of regulatory policy since it uses rules to shift attitudes and behaviours.

Policies that are incentives seek to encourage individuals or organisations to behave in a certain way which delivers a desired outcome – for example, by offering a financial benefit for desired behaviour such as recycling.

Education policy engages the public, especially young people, through schools, civil society organisations, and national campaigns.

We now identify the leading and current public policies in England under these five types of policies to reduce fly-tipping and littering. Those detailed below are the leading measures; they are not meant to be exhaustive.

Regulatory

  • Plastic bag charge. By law, retailers of all sizes are required to charge at least ten pence for a single-use carrier bag. This is not a tax and the proceeds of the scheme are donated to good causes chosen on a case by case basis by the retailer.[54] To avoid the additional charge, consumers are thereby incentivised to use reusable bags, reducing the use of single-use carrier bags and the litter they can cause. Since its introduction the scheme has cut plastic bag use down by more than 95% and raised over £180 million.[55]
  • Plastic Packaging Tax. This new tax, which came into force on the 1st April 2022, charges manufacturers £200 per metric tonne of plastic packaging used in their product unless at least 30% has been made from recycled plastic. This tax is applied to plastic manufactured or imported into the UK but does not apply to packaging used for the purpose of importing goods. The aim of this tax is to provide an incentive for businesses to buy and use recycled plastic. In a previous report, Global Green Giant, Bright Blue recommended that the UK’s plastic packaging tax threshold should be set at 35% from 30% as soon as feasible, and this threshold should increase if viable on an annual basis thereafter.[56]
  • Ban on certain single-use plastic items. Common single-use plastic items including straws, stirrers, cotton buds, disposable plastic plates, single-use plastic cutlery, balloon sticks, food and drink containers, expanded polystyrene containers, and oxo-degradable products are banned.[57] If found to be breaking the law, individuals and businesses will be issued a fine based at the discretion of their local authority.[58] The Government has recently concluded a public consultation which looked to extend bans and is expected to publish the outcome in the near future.[59] However, studies have found that just banning single-use plastics is often insufficient and does very little to reduce the total amount of waste without also banning single-use non-plastic alternatives.[60]
  • Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) Scheme. In 2024 the UK Government is set to introduce an Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) scheme for packaging. This will require producers to cover the costs of managing packaging once it becomes waste and producers will pay more for less sustainable packaging, incentivising packaging that uses less material and is easier to recycle. Defra has finished consulting on the design of the EPR scheme and a full Government response is expected to be published in 2022.[61]
  • Electronic waste tracking. The Government’s flagship Environment Act 2021 will allow for the introduction of mandatory electronic waste tracking to begin between 2023 and 2024. The policy is aimed at collecting data to better understand how waste is processed and increase compliance by businesses.[62] Currently, the Government is deciding between two waste tracking systems: Anthesis and Topolytics. Anthesis relies on workers within the waste management system scanning QR codes on waste consignments and uploading the identity of the consignments to their database. Should waste go missing at any point, it can be traced back to when it was last scanned. Topolytics gathers data through multiple different sources including electronic invoices, weighbridges at refuse stations, bin weighing systems, vehicle tracking systems such as GPS, and smart labelling systems. The latter works by using printable radio frequency identification (RFID) tags which can be scanned. Topolytics then uses a tracking system built from all different data sources to produce a waste map showing where waste has been and will go. This data allows authorities to pinpoint where waste goes missing at any stage. The type of system to be adopted and its implementation date is yet to be confirmed.

Punishments

  • Fixed Penalty Notices (FPNs). Dropping litter is a criminal offence under Section 87(1) of the EPA 1990 in England and Wales. Litterers could face a fine of up to £2,500 if prosecuted in court.[63] More commonly issued to the litterer is a FPN, issued by local authorities or the police.[64] As mentioned previously, FPNs are set by the local authority and range from a minimum of £65 to a maximum of £150[65]. If litter is thrown from a vehicle, the owner of the vehicle can be fined, irrespective of whether they committed the offence themselves. The rationale is for FPNs to deter people from littering. However, many organisations, including Bright Blue, believe that a maximum FPN of £150 is inadequate to deter litterers from offending and have called for FPNs to be set at a much higher level[66]. Furthermore, very few local authorities have actually been enforcing the law – of those who responded to a relatively recent Freedom of Information (FOI) request, 56% of local authorities issued less than one FPN per week and 16% issued none at all – thereby undermining the efficacy of FPNs as a deterrent for littering.[67] A report by Keep Britain Tidy found that the majority of people who had been issued an FPN had altered their behaviour in the short term but it did not change their attitudes in the long term .[68]
  • Community Protection Notices (CPNs). CPNs, described earlier, are designed to deal with ongoing nuisances which affect communities’ quality of life. They may be used to tackle littering on specific premises, whether it is private or commercial. Before local authorities can issue a CPN, they must first issue a written warning to the individual or organisation undertaking the anti-social behaviour. Failure to comply with a CPN can result in a fine of up to £2,500 for individuals and up to £20,000 for business. Additionally, the magistrates court can order forfeiture and destruction of any item used in the commission of the offence[69].
  • Prosecution for fly-tipping. If found guilty of fly-tipping, individuals can be prosecuted with consequences ranging from unlimited fines and seizure of the vehicle used to commit the offence to imprisonment. Additionally, households can be fined up to £400 if they pass their waste to an unlicensed waste carrier which is subsequently fly-tipped. As Chart 1 showed earlier, the total number of fly-tipping incidents between 2018-19 and 2020-21 reported to local authorities increased by 18% from approximately 957,000 to 1,134,000. During the same time, the total number of actions taken against the offences decreased by 9% from nearly 501,000 actions in 2018-19 to 456,000 actions in 2020-2021.[70] Both fixed penalty notices and prosecutions decreased by approximately 40% and 25% during these years.[71]

Behavioural

  • Litter innovation fund. Defra and the Department for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities (LUHC) set aside £450,000 for two years from 2018 to provide match funding grants of up to £10,000 for local authorities and communities to come up with creative solutions for tackling litter. For example, in 2019, Keep Britain Tidy received a grant of £9,900 to pilot a ‘reflective litter’ campaign across the City of London.[72] It involved strategically placing mirrors in areas where people often intentionally placed litter, rather than carelessly discarding it, so that those who litter would then see themselves carrying out an act of littering. The mirrors were inscribed with text slogans such as “Mirror, mirror on the wall, litter reflects badly on us all”. Monitoring of the three sites where the pilot was carried out revealed a 19.5% reduction in litter.[73] Another example was £10,000 granted to Medway Council to deliver interventions to reduce littering at Chatham Waterfront Bus Station. They nudged people to dispose of their litter properly through interventions such as having a cigarette butt disposal bin which allow smokers to place their butts in a particular bin. They also painted footsteps on the pavement which led to a rubbish and recycling bin, encouraging people to use the receptacles. The interventions delivered a 71% improvement in the public’s perception of cleanliness of the bus station.[74]

Incentives

  • Deposit Return Scheme (DRS). The Government is set to introduce a Deposit Return Scheme (DRS), where consumers will be charged a deposit on drinks containers that are refunded upon the drink container being deposited in designated recycling bins. The scheme will be run by a new body, the Deposit Management Organisation (DMO), and is designed in such a way as to provide a financial incentive for consumers to dispose of their containers in an environmentally sustainable way as opposed to littering or disposing of the containers in a regular bin to be sent to landfill.[75] Defra has finished consulting on the design of the DRS and expects to publish a full response in 2022, outlining key policy decisions, such as what rate the deposit charge will be set at, who is responsible for collecting the returns and how widely the scheme will apply for example, the different types of items included and their sizes.
  • Free Waste Disposal: In April 2022, the Government announced plans to remove the ability for local authorities to charge for the removal of DIY waste from households including plasterboards, bricks, and bath units. The Government did in fact ban charges on local residents disposing of household rubbish at household waste centres in 2015, but now guidance has made clear that this includes DIY household waste. Around a third of local authorities still charged for certain types of DIY waste prior to the most recent announcement. The announced change in regulation could save households up to £10 for each individual item being disposed of and removes a barrier to the legal disposal of DIY waste: incentivising responsible disposal and reducing the likelihood of DIY waste fly-tipping.[76]

Educational

  • National anti-litter campaign. The ‘Keep it. Bin it.’ campaign, jointly led by Defra and Keep Britain Tidy, has reached 3.3 million 16 to 24 year olds, aiming to challenge public perceptions about whether it is acceptable to litter.[77] The campaign includes videos with anti-littering messaging, such as showing the impact it has on animals, which are displayed at various locations across the country, including online, in cinemas’ pre-show adverts, at Network Rail stations and digital billboards at motorway service stations.[78] It was launched in November 2018 and has been backed by commercial partners, including McDonalds, Greggs, PepsiCo UK, Network Rail, and others.[79] Historically, other anti-littering campaigns have been very effective both within the UK and internationally. The Love Essex campaign combined education with enforcement warnings by putting up posters on billboards and buses, and messages on fast food packaging, which highlighted the risk of a fine for littering. Additionally, there were regular ‘litter-picks’ with local businesses to showcase the extent of the problem. In its third year, from August to October 2016, the campaign reported a 41% reduction in litter. The Don’t Mess With Texas campaign was launched in 1985 by the Texas Department of Transportation and for the last thirty years has aimed to teach Texans the true cost of littering. Its billboard, radio, and TV adverts contain local and national celebrities who highlight the difference a single person can make by disposing of their litter responsibly and show how much litter cleanup costs the state.[80] Since 2009, the campaign has shown a 34% reduction in visible roadside litter.[81]

Figure 1. The leading UK policy approaches and measures to fly-tipping and littering

Littering policies overseas

Elsewhere around the world, cities and countries are kept clean thanks to unique and additional policies beyond those which have been enacted in England. Here, we focus on examples of effective regulatory, punishment, behavioural, incentives, and educational policies from different countries.

Regulatory

European countries such as Malta, Ireland, Portugal and Czechia have recently introduced ‘smart bins’ to tackle overflowing receptacles in public areas.[82] The bins are attached with solar panels which power a small compactor to crush waste, thereby increasing capacity, decreasing the likelihood of overflowing receptacles, and reducing the frequency of waste collection by 85%.[83]

The bins are connected to an app which can be accessed by both city management authorities and citizens. City management can monitor the bins which are nearing capacity and target them specifically for waste collection, increasing the efficiency of rubbish truck trips. Similarly, citizens can also access data on waste collection and locate nearby empty litter and recycling bins.

Malta saw an increased recycling rate of 51% since the bin’s introduction and the central district in Prague is expected to make over £10,000 in savings a year.[84][85]

Punishments

Although punishments for fly-tipping and littering are common across the world, some are notably stricter than those in force in England. Singapore, widely regarded as one of the cleanest countries in the world, has a set of strict laws to keep its streets clean[86]. Litterers caught dropping small items such as cigarette butts or wrappers face a fine of S$300 (£180) for their first offence and subsequent offences attract increasingly higher fines of up to £10,000 for the third conviction.[87] For larger items that are littered, such as drinking vessels, the litterers are required to appear before the courts and carry out a Corrective Work Order, a form of community service where offenders must wear high visibility jackets which identify them as litterers and pick up litter.[88] Additionally, plain clothed officers enforce these laws, making them difficult to evade and over 3,000 surveillance cameras have been installed to catch litterers since 2012.[89][90] High-rise littering, where litter is thrown out of the windows of high rise apartments, has even stricter penalties, with first-time offenders facing a fine of up to S$2,000 (£1200).[91] Due to the significantly higher fines, there are less repeat high-rise littering offenders compared to general littering offenders.[92]

In addition, chewing gum is banned in Singapore. Its importation into the country is illegal for both commercial purposes or personal use.[93] If people are caught improperly disposing of chewing gum or carrying large quantities of it, they are fined S$1,000 (£600) for their first offence with increased fines for subsequent offences.[94] This ban is widely regarded as effective, significantly reducing the amount of gum stuck to sidewalks, making the streets easier to clean.[95]

Behavioural

Denmark’s capital Copenhagen ran a campaign called ‘Pure Love’ between 2012 and 2015, which encouraged residents to keep their city clean.[96] Measures included making bins bright green so they are easily identifiable, painting green footsteps on the pavement leading towards bins, and displaying heart-shaped symbols across the city with messages to reinforce the campaign.

An evaluation indicated an increase in awareness about cleanliness.[97] As a result of the campaign, Copenhagen was able to claim the title of being the cleanest city in Europe.[98]

Incentives

In Australia, the Sustainable Communities Tidy Towns Awards, given out by Keep Australia Beautiful, rewards projects and initiatives with a focus on environmental sustainability and resource management.[99] The awards include the category ‘Dame Phyllis Frost Litter Prevention’, which directly awards communities for successful litter reduction.[100] Although it is difficult to measure the success of running competitions for reducing littering and fly-tipping, the award encourages communities to keep their local area clean and increases awareness of community-led environmental action.

Educational

Sustainable Coastlines, a charity funded by the Ministry for the Environment, leads New Zealand’s ‘Litter Intelligence Programme’. The programme is built on standardised beach litter monitoring, which is New Zealand’s adaptation of the United Nations Environment Programme/Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission methodology. [101]

This programme has two main components. The first is where each school adopts a beach in their neighbourhood. The charity provides professional development training to teachers, and students are trained on how to collect data on marine litter to identify local issues in their community and tackle them. Through the programme, students are provided with training, equipment and technology to become ‘Citizen Scientists.’[102]

After successful completion of the first component, the second component integrates Citizen Scientists within a national network of monitoring groups. Schools are allowed to contribute their data to a national litter database which is used to track littering trends in the country as well as monitor and evaluate interventions to curb littering.

The success of this programme is reflected in the high quality of the database which is being used to inform government policies such as tracking plastics and single use plastic products. The data has also been used in official government reports.[103]

Recommendations 

In the past, Bright Blue has proposed a number of policy recommendations to reduce fly-tipping and littering. These include: higher fines through FPNs for littering; ring-fencing revenue from FPNs for local environmental purposes; and totally waiving the costs for DIY waste disposal at household waste centres, a policy which was adopted by the Government in April 2022.[104]

Here we recommend new policies, based on the different types of policy approaches and from adapting examples overseas. The list of policies is not exhaustive; other organisations have proposed credible ideas which the Government should seriously consider. And there is no one single type of policy that will stop littering and fly-tipping. Instead a blend of approaches opens the possibility of finding and executing the most effective interventions to reduce both littering and fly-tipping.

The policies we recommend are guided by four key principles:

  • Fiscally responsible. Policies must be fiscally realistic and not place too great a demand on public money.
  • Be led by evidence. Policy suggestions should be supported by evidence of efficacy from either domestic trials or overseas implementation where possible.
  • Politically realistic. Suggestions should be realistic and not significantly change the workload of any government organisation or department.
  • Publicly acceptable. Policies should be likely to have the support of the majority of the public and not be too burdensome or restrictive on individuals.

Regulatory

Recommendation one: Task the Office of Environmental Protection with inspecting local authorities to ensure they are enforcing the law on litter and mandate the use of third-party enforcement services when they fail to do so.

Fines for littering – notably FPNs – could be a powerful tool to dissuade people from littering. However, many local authorities are failing to enforce the law on litter, or are doing so very lightly.[105] As mentioned previously, when local authorities were questioned via a Freedom of Information request about how many FPNs they had issued on a weekly basis, 56% of those who responded had issued less than one FPN per week and 16% issued none at all. If FPNs are not being issued, it hinders their efficacy as a deterrent for littering.

Currently, there are no official inspections into whether local authorities are enforcing the law on litter, nor are there repercussions for failing to do so. The Office of Environmental Protection (OEP), the new independent regulator designed to hold government and other public bodies to account on environmental protection, should be tasked with inspecting local authorities to ensure they are applying the law on litter. Where they are failing to do so, the OEP should mandate the use of third-party enforcement services to apply the law on litter within a local authority’s area.

Third-party enforcement services, usually private companies, are already used by some local authorities in England, such as Barnet London Borough Council and Bristol City Council. These third-party enforcement services are given authority to issue FPNs to those who litter by local authorities.  The use of such third-party enforcement services can be cost-effective for local authorities as they can generate revenue from the fines they issue. This also incentivises third-party services to actively enforce the law on littering and issue FPNs.

In 2018, the 73 local authorities who employed private, third-party enforcement services to issue FPNs issued an average of 2,940 fines each per year.[106] By comparison, the 230 local authorities who did not employ third-party enforcement services to issue FPNs issued an average of 157 each per year.[107]

Recommendation two: Update National Highways’ Key Performance Indicators to include litter, with an accompanying ambitious target for reducing it.

Littered verges along motorways remain a common sight for motorists in England. National Highways are responsible for keeping the motorways and strategic roads under their management free of litter. Attempts by National Highways to outsource this responsibility to third party contractors have been unsuccessful, as the earlier example of Connect Plus Ltd attests to.

National Highways’ Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) focus on the activities and outcomes which are most important to the organisation, broken down into several different categories. One category is ‘Being environmentally responsible’, where KPIs include noise reduction, no loss of biodiversity, air quality targets, and a reduction in carbon emissions, but with no mention of litter. Instead, litter is mentioned as a Performance Indicator,[108] but unlike KPIs, Performance Indicators are not seen as a critical measure which must be achieved and generally do not have targets.

National Highways should establish litter as a KPI. This would ensure that litter is treated as a critical measure which must be prevented, thereby embedding it within the strategic direction of National Highways. Furthermore, it should be accompanied by an ambitious litter reduction target for England’s motorway verges.

Alongside keeping motorway verges clear of litter, this would ensure that breaching contracts is taken more seriously. The contracts which have failed to deliver, such as Connect Plus Ltd, would be deemed intolerable and therefore likely to be negotiated more effectively in the future, such as including penalty clauses for failure to deliver.

Punishments

Recommendation three: Introduce imprisonment as a minimum sentence for those fly-tipping asbestos.

Currently, those caught fly-tipping face penalties ranging from unlimited fines and seizure of the vehicle used to commit the offence through to imprisonment, irrespective of the material being fly-tipped. Given the strong link between asbestos and mesothelioma – a form of cancer with an extremely high mortality rate – those caught fly-tipping asbestos should face imprisonment as a minimum sentence.[109]

Behavioural

Recommendation four: Defra should re-establish the Litter Innovation Fund on a long-term basis with annual funding grants.

The Litter Innovation Fund ran for two years from 2018 to 2019 and gave £450,000 worth of funding to various charities and organisations to trial novel anti-littering methods, some of which have been described earlier.[110] Defra should re-create the fund on a long-term basis with new grants available annually for local authorities and other third party organisations for initiatives to effect positive behavioural change around littering.

While there is no analysis for the overarching efficacy of the Littering Innovation Fund in reducing litter, specific projects that were funded from it such as Keep Britain Tidy’s reflective litter campaign and Medway Council’s cigarette butt bin scheme have proven efficacy.[111][112]

After the Litter Innovation Fund has been evaluated to demonstrate efficacy and value for money, it should be committed to on a long-term basis with local authorities and third parties allowed to bid for grants annually. This policy would encourage and assist local authorities in meeting their local littering reduction ambitions and encourage the development of new ideas to reduce littering behaviour.

Educational

Recommendation five: Establish a Litter Intelligence Programme within the NCS so young people can become UK ‘Citizen Scientists’

The National Citizen Service (NCS) is a government-sponsored voluntary initiative for 16-17 year olds where they engage with a range of extracurricular activities that include outdoor team-building exercises, independent living, and social action projects. Currently, the scheme offers placements during school holidays in spring, summer and autumn.[113] In a previous report, Distant Neighbours, Bright Blue recommended that all state school students should participate in at least one week of NCS during term time in Year 9 or Year 10.[114]

During the second week of the scheme the children “design and implement a social action project which will have a long-lasting impact in the local community.”[115] While litter collection is already an option, the NCS should create a more formalised Litter Intelligence Programme mimicking that of New Zealand’s during the second week of the programme for student groups who choose litter collection as their social action.

The groups of students who choose to participate in this programme route in the NCS will be given a local area to adopt and then trained on how to collect data on litter. Once students have completed this one week course they can become labelled as Citizen Scientists or equivalent based on the level of training they received. Additionally, the data collection aspect of the training can be put on both their CVs, university applications, and if the scheme is successful form an additional source of litter data for national analysis.

Conclusion

Fly-tipping and littering continues to cause economic, environmental and social damage to communities across the country. With fly-tipping incidents rising over the past three years and reports of littering increasing, it is clear that public policy needs to do more in order to tackle this serious problem.

The policy recommendations above, or ones proposed by Bright Blue previously, are not exhaustive and will not end fly-tipping and littering. But by acting on these recommendations, government can play its part in reducing the level of fly-tipping and littering, creating a robust policy framework upon which to build on in the future. 

Authors

Patrick Hall, Rebecca Foster, Joshua Marks and Shrishti Kajaria

Acknowledgments

This report has been made possible with the generous support of the John Ellerman Foundation. The views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of the sponsor. We would like to thank Sam Hall and Kitty Thompson for peer reviewing this report. We would also like to thank Ryan Shorthouse for his editing and feedback.

Footnotes

[1] Patrick Hall, “Nature positive? Public attitudes towards the natural environment”, Bright Blue, http://www.brightblue.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/Nature-positive.pdf (2021), 33.
[2] Ibid,76.
[3] Patrick Hall and William Nicolle, “Global green giant? A policy story”, Bright Blue, http://brightblue.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Global-green-giant-a-policy-story.pdf (2020), 29-30.
[4] Bright Blue, “Littering petition”, http://green.brightblue.org.uk/littering-petition (2021).
[5] GOV UK, “The Controlled Waste Regulations 1992”, https://www.legislation.gov.uk/uksi/1992/588/contents/made (1992).
[6] Louise Smith, “Fly-tipping – the illegal dumping of waste”, House of Commons Library, https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/research-briefings/sn05672/ (2021).
[7] Sara Priestley, “Litter: key trends, policy and legislation”, House of Commons Library, https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/research-briefings/sn06984/ (2017).
[8] United Nations Environment Programme, “Plastic planet: How tiny plastic particles are polluting our soil”, https://www.unep.org/news-and-stories/story/plastic-planet-how-tiny-plastic-particles-are-polluting-our-soil#:~:text=Chlorinated%20plastic%20can%20release%20harmful,species%20that%20drink%20the%20water l (2018).
[9] Ibid.
[10] RSPCA, “How littering affects animals”, https://www.rspca.org.uk/adviceandwelfare/litter (2021).
[11] Macquarie University, “It’s not just fish, plastic pollution harms the bacteria that help us breathe”, https://www.eurekalert.org/pub_releases/2019-05/mu-inj051219.php (2019).
[12] Annie Gouk, “The true cost of litter and fly-tipping in England”, https://www.inyourarea.co.uk/news/the-true-cost-of-litter-and-fly-tipping-in-england/ (2020).
[13] Estimates for clearance costs of other sizes of fly-tipping are unavailable.
[14] Department for Environment, Food & Rural Affairs, “Fly-tipping and littering statistics for England, 2020 to 2021”, https://www.gov.uk/government/statistics/fly-tipping-in-england/fly-tipping-statistics-for-england-2020-to-2021 (2021).
[15] Keep Britain Tidy, “How clean is England? The Local Environmental Quality Survey of England 2014/15”, https://www.keepbritaintidy.org/sites/default/files/resources/KBT_How_Clean_Is_England_LEQSE_Report_2015.pdf (2015), 36.
[16] British Pest Control Association, “PestAware the pest control blog from BPCA” https://bpca.org.uk/Pest-Aware/pest-awareness-week-kicks-off-with-war-on-litter-to-tackle-rodent-numbers/194769 (2018).
[17] Zero Waste Scotland, “Litter and flytipping – the costs and the consequences” https://www.zerowastescotland.org.uk/litter-flytipping/impacts (2022)
[18] Gov.uk, “Levelling Up the United Kingdom”, https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/1052706/Levelling_Up_WP_HRES.pdf (2022)
[19] Fiona Harvey, “Fly-tipping in England increases during Covid pandemic”, The Guardian,  https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2021/dec/08/fly-tipping-in-england-increases-during-covid-pandemic (2021)
[20] Figures are presented by tax year – e.g. 2019-20 refers to the period April 2019 to March 2020. Due to methodological changes, data from 2018-19 onwards is not comparable with earlier years.
21] ChronicleLive, “Incidents of fly-tipping soared in the North East during the pandemic”, https://www.chroniclelive.co.uk/news/north-east-news/flytipping-soar-north-east-pandemic-22876153 (2022).
[22] ‘Other unidentifiable’ was the most prevalent form of fly-tipped waste after household waste, but cannot be categorised.
[23] Keep Britain Tidy, “Littering Monitoring” https://www.keepbritaintidy.org/sites/default/files/resource/KBT17_Policy_Position_Litter_Monitoring.pdf (2016), 1-2.
[24] Keep Britain Tidy, “Litter in England: The local environmental quality survey of England 2019/20”, https://www.keepbritaintidy.org/sites/default/files/resource/National%20Litter%20Survey%20How%20Clean%20is%20England%20Leaflet%202019%202020.pdf (2020).
[25] Alistair MacQueen, “Britain in midst of ‘litter crisis’ according to latest data”, iNewshttps://inews.co.uk/news/britain-in-litter-crisis-1055667, 2021.
[26] Keep Britain Tidy, “Litter in England: The local environmental quality survey of England 2019/20”, https://www.keepbritaintidy.org/sites/default/files/resource/National%20Litter%20Survey%20How%20Clean%20is%20England%20Leaflet%202019%202020.pdf (2020).
[27] Keep Britain Tidy, “Littering in England: the local environmental quality survey of England”, https://www.keepbritaintidy.org/sites/default/files/resource/National%20Litter%20Survey%20201718_0.pdf (2017/18), 1-7.
[28] Department for Environment, Food & Rural Affairs, “Government explores next steps to clean up tobacco litter in England”, https://www.gov.uk/government/news/government-explores-next-steps-to-clean-up-tobacco-litter-in-england (2021)
[29] Clean Up Britain and DecTec, “Cigarette butt littering research: report summary” (2021), 3-4.
[30] Ibid,13.
[31] Ibid.
[32] Campaign to Protect Rural England, “Three in four people report rise in PPE litter since coronavirus”, https://www.cpre.org.uk/about-us/cpre-media/rise-in-ppe-litter-since-coronavirus/ (2020).
[33] UK data based on unpublished Savanta ComRes polling commissioned by Bright Blue.
[34] Ibid., 17-32.
[35] Paul Bonarrigo et al., “Using Behaviour-Change Strategies to Reduce Littering in Lambeth” https://cpb-us-w2.wpmucdn.com/wp.wpi.edu/dist/2/96/files/2020/03/Lambeth-Final-Presentation.pdf (2020), 7-8.
[36] Social Engine, “Reducing littering in the New Forest: A behavioural insight project”
https://local.gov.uk/sites/default/files/documents/Final%20Report%20050121.pdf (2020), 2-3.
[37] Ibid., 37.
[38] Conserve Energy Future, “What is Littering?” https://www.conserve-energy-future.com/causes-problems-solutions-littering.php (2021).
[39] Fenland District Council, “Bulky Waste”,  https://fenland.gov.uk/bulkywaste (2021).
[40] Medway Council, “Book a large or bulky item collection”, https://www.medway.gov.uk/info/200132/waste_and_recycling/71/book_a_large_or_bulky_item_collection (2022).
[41] Blackpool Council, “Collection of bulky items”, https://www.blackpool.gov.uk/Residents/Waste-and-recycling/Collection-of-bulky-items/Collection-of-bulky-items.aspx (2022).
[42] Buckinghamshire Council, “Full list of non-household waste charges”, https://www.buckscc.gov.uk/services/waste-and-recycling/household-recycling-centres/charges-for-non-household-waste/full-list-of-non-household-waste-charges/ (2021).
[43] West London Waste, “Charges at household re-use and recycling centres”, https://westlondonwaste.gov.uk/recycling-sites/hrrc-charges-your-questions-answered/ (2022).
[44] Patrick Hall and William Nicolle, “Global green giant? A policy story”, Bright Blue, http://brightblue.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Global-green-giant-a-policy-story.pdf (2020), 30
[45] Department for Business, Energy & Industrial Strategy, “Government announces new crackdown on fly-tipping”, https://www.gov.uk/government/news/government-announces-new-crackdown-on-fly-tipping (2022).
[46] Damian Carrington, “Littering unpunished by many councils in England and Wales”, The Guardian, 27 Aug, 2020.
[47] Alex Thomson, “The private company failing to tame epidemic of litter on our motorways,” Channel 4 News, https://www.channel4.com/news/the-private-company-failing-to-tame-epidemic-of-litter-on-our-motorways, 2020.
[48] National Audit Office, “PFI and PF2”, https://www.nao.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/PFI-and-PF2.pdf (2018), 40.
[49] Street Litter Control Notices gave councils the power to require businesses or individuals to clear litter from around their premises and take steps to prevent future littering. On the other hand, Litter Abatement Notice enables the Principal litter authorities to take action where a duty body is not keeping its relevant land clear of litter and refuse. Courts can also fine the littering authority with £2,500 charges and subsequent increase of £125 for each day after conviction. Similarly, Principal litter authorities also have the power to issue Litter Clearing Notices when land in their area is littered and detrimental to the amenity of that area. This notice can be used for most types of land and is thus a tool to tackle little on private land which might be blown towards public areas. Authorities also have the right to clean the litter themselves and then recover the cost from the occupier or owner of the land.
[50]GOV UK, “Anti-social Behaviour, Crime and Policing Act 2014” https://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2014/12/contents/enacted (2014).
[51] GOV UK, “Environmental Protection Act 1990” https://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1990/43/section/33 (1990).
[52] Ibid.
[53] Insight Security, “Large=Scale Fly-Tipping On The Rise”, https://www.insight-security.com/large-scale-fly-tipping-on-the-rise (2020)
[54] Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, “Carrier bags: why there’s a charge”, https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/single-use-plastic-carrier-bags-why-were-introducing-the-charge/carrier-bags-why-theres-a-5p-charge (2021).
[55] Ibid.
[56] Patrick Hall and William Nicolle, “Global green giant? A policy story”, Bright Blue, http://brightblue.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Global-green-giant-a-policy-story.pdf (2020), 27
[57] House of Common Library, “Single use plastic: How do bans differ across the UK and EU?”, https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/single-use-plastic-how-do-bans-differ-across-the-uk-and-eu/ (2022).
[58] Department for Environment, Food & Rural Affairs, “Straws, cotton buds and drink stirrers ban: rules for businesses in England”, https://www.gov.uk/guidance/straws-cotton-buds-and-drink-stirrers-ban-rules-for-businesses-in-england (2020).
[59] Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, “Consultation on proposals to ban commonly littered single-use plastic items in England”, https://consult.defra.gov.uk/environmental-quality/consultation-on-proposals-to-ban-commonly-littered/  (2021).
[60] Timo Herberz 1, Claire Y. Barlow, and Matthias Finkbeiner, “Sustainability Assessment of a Single-Use Plastics Ban”, https://d-nb.info/1222099179/34 (2020).
[61] Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, “Packaging and packaging waste: introducing Extended Producer Responsibility”, https://www.gov.uk/government/consultations/packaging-and-packaging-waste-introducing-extended-producer-responsibility (2022).
[62] Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, “Mandatory digital waste tracking”, https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/digital-waste-tracking-service/mandatory-digital-waste-tracking (2022).
[63] Campaign to Protect Rural England, “What is litter?”, https://www.cpre.org.uk/what-we-care-about/better-places-to-live/cleaner-countryside/litter-and-the-law/what-is-litter/ (2020).
[64] Campaign to Protect Rural England, “Litter Law England and Wales”
https://www.cpre.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/CPRE-Litter-Law-Report.pdf (2020), 4-5.
[65] Ibid.
[66]  Patrick Hall and William Nicolle, “Global green giant? A policy story”, Bright Blue, http://brightblue.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Global-green-giant-a-policy-story.pdf (2020), 29
[67] Carrington, “Littering unpunished by many councils in England and Wales”, The Guardian, 2020.
[68] Keep Britain Tidy, “The Effectiveness of Enforcement on Behaviour Change”, https://www.ipsos.com/sites/default/files/publication/1970-01/sri-manchester-effectivness-of-enforcement-kbt-2011.pdf (2011), 7-10.
[69] GOV UK, “Anti-Social Behaviour, Crime and Policing Act 2014”, https://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2014/12/notes/division/5/4 (2014).
[70] DEFRA, the official body responsible for collecting data on fly-tipping, changed its data collection methodology in 2018 due to which data from previous years is not comparable.
[71] GOV UK, “ENV24 – Fly Tipping Incidents And Actions Taken In England”, https://www.gov.uk/government/statistical-data-sets/env24-fly-tipping-incidents-and-actions-taken-in-england (2021).
[72]  Keep Britain Tidy, “Litter innovation fund (LIF)”, https://www.keepbritaintidy.org/sites/default/files/resources/KBT_260219_Reflective-Littering-Innovation_Defra-LIF.pdf (2019).
[73] Ibid.
[74] Medway Council, “Litter innovation fund (LIF)”, https://www.medway.gov.uk/download/downloads/id/4299/lif_final_report_final_jun19.pdf (2019).
[75] Biffa, “Deposit Return Scheme (DRS)”, https://www.biffa.co.uk/deposit-return-scheme (2022).
[76] Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, “Government announces new crackdown on fly-tipping”, https://www.gov.uk/government/news/government-announces-new-crackdown-on-fly-tipping (2022).
[77] Oliver Nicholls, “Keep it, bin it”, Civil Service, https://civilservice.blog.gov.uk/2020/02/06/keep-it-bin-it-working-to-discourage-young-people-from-littering/ (2020).
[78]Keep Britain Tidy, “Keep It, Bin It”, https://www.keepbritaintidy.org/keep-it-bin-it (2021).
[79] Department for Environment, Food & Rural Affairs, “Devastating impact on nature highlighted in new campaign to fight litter”, https://www.gov.uk/government/news/devastating-impact-on-nature-highlighted-in-new-campaign-to-fight-litter (2018).
[80] Don’t Mess with Texas, “Don’t Mess with Texas – The Campaign”,  https://www.dontmesswithtexas.org/the-campaign/ (2022).
[81] Zero Waste Scotland, “Some of the Best Litter Prevention Campaigns from Around the World”, https://www.zerowastescotland.org.uk/litter-flytipping/top-campaigns.
[82] Aseniya Dimitrova, “Prague introduces smart bins to save energy and money”, The Mayor, https://www.themayor.eu/en/a/view/prague-introduces-smart-bins-to-save-energy-and-money-3527, (2021).
[83] Monika Dimitrova, “Smart bins reduce waste collection by up to 85%”, The Mayor, https://www.themayor.eu/en/a/view/smart-bins-reduce-waste-collection-by-up-to-85-1879 (2021).
[84]  Aseniya Dimitrova, “Malta uses Internet of Things technology to monitor smart bins”, The Mayor, https://www.themayor.eu/en/a/view/malta-uses-internet-of-things-technology-to-monitor-smart-bins-2827 (2021).
[85]  Ibid.
[86]  Alliance to End Plastic Waste, “The countries who have built a culture of cleanups”, https://endplasticwaste.org/en/our-stories/the-countries-who-have-built-a-culture-of-cleanups#:~:text=Singapore%20is%20known%20for%20having,punishments%20such%20as%20community%20cleaning (2021).
[87]  National Environment Agency, “Enforcement for littering offences increased by almost 22 per cent in 2018”, https://www.nea.gov.sg/media/news/news/index/enforcement-for-littering-offences-increased-by-almost-22-per-cent-in-2018 (2019).
[88] Djulia Montana De Veyra, “Singapore: laws to know before you go”, https://www.goabroad.com/articles/study-abroad/singapore-laws-to-know-before-you-go#:~:text=Littering,candy%20wrappers%20are%20fined%20%24300 (2021).
[89]  National Environment Agency, “Enforcement for littering offences increased by almost 22 per cent in 2018”, https://www.nea.gov.sg/media/news/news/index/enforcement-for-littering-offences-increased-by-almost-22-per-cent-in-2018 (2019).
[90] Alicia Tan, “Singapore has thousands of litterbug catching cameras”, Mashable (2016).
[91] Cheryl Lin, “More than 1,000 enforcement actions taken against high-rise litterbugs last year”, Channels News Asia, 2 February 2021.
[92] Ibid.
[93] Singapore Statutes Online, “Regulation of imports and exports act”, https://sso.agc.gov.sg/SL/272A-RG4 (1999).
[94] Djulia Montana De Veyra, “Singapore: laws to know before you go”, https://www.goabroad.com/articles/study-abroad/singapore-laws-to-know-before-you-go#:~:text=Littering,candy%20wrappers%20are%20fined%20%24300 (2021).
[95] Naren Kashyap and Mary Rani Thomas, “3-Rev7 in Singapore- Case Study Editor”, https://www.researchgate.net/publication/333446623_3-Rev7_in_Singapore-_Case_Study_Editor, (2019)
[96] Clean Europe Network, “Nudging: from Denmark with love”, https://cleaneuropenetwork.eu/en/blog/nudging-from-denmark-with-love/agf/, (2016).
[97] Ibid.
[98] Ibid.
[99] Keep Australia Beautiful is a non public body but is partnered with the Australian Government
[100] Keep Australia Beautiful, “Community Towns” https://kab.org.au/beechworth-crowned-australias-most-sustainable-community/ (2022).
[101] The Commonwealth, Clean Ocean Alliance “ Litter Intelligence Programme, New Zealand”, https://thecommonwealth.org/case-study/case-study-litter-intelligence-programme-new-zealand-going (2020).
[102] Ibid.
[103] Ibid.
[104] Patrick Hall and William Nicolle, “Global green giant? A policy story”, Bright Blue, http://brightblue.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Global-green-giant-a-policy-story.pdf (2020)
[105] Damian Carrington, “Littering unpunished by many councils in England and Wales”, The Guardian, 27 Aug, 2020.
[106] Manifesto Club, “Corruption of punishment: over 200,000 litter fines issued by private security guards in 2018”, https://manifestoclub.info/corruption-of-punishment-over-200000-litter-fines-issued-by-private-security-guards-in-2018/ (2019).
[107] Ibid.
[108] National Highways, “Highways England: Operational metrics manual”, https://nationalhighways.co.uk/media/5isknpuq/ris2-operational-metrics-manual-july-2021-1.pdf (2021).
[109] Cancer Research UK, “Risks and causes” https://www.cancerresearchuk.org/about-cancer/mesothelioma/risks-causes (2022).
[110] WRAP, “Litter Innovation Fund”, https://wrap.org.uk/what-we-do/our-services/grants-and-investments/litter-innovation-fund (2022).
[111] Keep Britain Tidy, “Litter innovation fund (LIF)”, https://www.keepbritaintidy.org/sites/default/files/resources/KBT_260219_Reflective-Littering-Innovation_Defra-LIF.pdf (2019).
[112] Medway Council, “Litter innovation fund (LIF)”, https://www.medway.gov.uk/download/downloads/id/4299/lif_final_report_final_jun19.pdf (2019).
[113] National Citizen Service, “Your questions answered”, https://wearencs.com/faqs (2022).
[114] Bright Blue, “Distant neighbours? Understanding and measuring social integration in England”, http://brightblue.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/Distant_Neighbours_Final.pdf (2019).
[115] Bright Blue request for information from NCS support line.

Cllr Eleanor Cox: Overcoming the Great British Skills Crisis

By Centre Write, Education, Politics, Transport

Manufacturing was at the beating heart of the British economy and is at the centre of our long-term recovery from the pandemic. It is also a key part of Britain becoming more self-reliant in a challenging geopolitical climate and growing its GDP by improving exports. Rolls-Royce and GSK are great examples of British excellence – companies making significant contributions to local employment, investing in innovation, and helping UK exports.

The sector accounts for 10% of GDP and represents huge potential for growth, with the manufacturing trade body Make UK saying that “if manufacturing output as a share of UK GDP were to increase from 10% to 15% this year, that could result in an extra £142 billion to the UK economy.” That output is colossal. It is comparable to Hungary’s entire GDP and it is achievable with the right government policy, investment, innovation, and, critically, skilled staff to help the sector grow. But where have our skilled workers gone?

This article will explain how reform of the Apprenticeship Levy is critical to attracting a talented, diverse range of workers to fill job vacancies and drive business growth.

Manufacturing is a high-skill sector. As a result of this, manufacturing companies pay significantly higher wages than the national average. Yet despite attractive pay, job vacancies in 2022 remain high. They are at the highest they have been since records began, with the ONS reporting in August that there are 93,000 job vacancies in the sector. These vacancies matter because of their impact on inflation. Wages will increase if manufacturers cannot find enough skilled workers to keep their operations churning at maximum capacity meaning their input costs rise, which can, if supply and demand remains unchanged, cause price increases for consumers. 

Whilst we can look to global imports to keep the costs of goods competitive, labour scarcity is not just a UK issue, with a shortage of labour endemic globally. In Germany and the US, job vacancies have also reached an all-time high this year. With many job vacancies and a current UK unemployment figure of 1.3 million, you would expect that there was a surplus of workers available. This raises the question of why cannot manufacturing firms find enough skilled workers.

‘The Great Resignation’ began during the pandemic as a trend of people either changing careers or leaving the workplace entirely. Many workers took stock to reassess their lives, with an exodus of older workers from the labour market. Others chose to start up their own businesses, with the number of business start-ups registered on Companies House at an all-time high during the pandemic. More women than men have left the workplace post-pandemic, with many citing increasing childcare costs and the lack of availability as the reason.

The impact of the pandemic and Brexit on UK worker shortage are interlinked. One of their challenging after-effects on business has been a smaller UK labour market and, consequently, strong competition for skilled workers. Pre-pandemic manufacturing obtained 11% of its workers from the EU but Brexit made labour mobility from the EU more complicated and costly. A report by UK in a Changing Europe, Manufacturing After Brexit, highlights that “EU citizens wishing to work in the UK not only need to obtain a visa, but also to obtain recognition of their qualifications by the relevant UK regulator.” The International Monetary Fund reported in 2022 that there is “a mismatch between the types of jobs available and the willingness of people to fulfil them.”

Whilst the sector is adapting to attract talent, offering flexible working patterns, in-depth training, and educational opportunities, government help is also needed to attract workers back to work.

The government can help by nurturing our skills economy to aid our unemployed and economically inactive people in getting back into employment. Apprenticeships develop specialist skills and Make UK’s State of the Industry report revealed that “28% of manufacturers said that greater investment in apprenticeships would make a big difference to their ability to grow.”

The Government’s Apprenticeship Levy was introduced in April 2017 and was implemented to increase the level of employer investment in training and drive up the number of people accessing the workplace through apprenticeships. The Apprenticeship Levy is a tax paid by large companies at a rate of 0.5% of an employer’s annual pay bill. The levy funds raised are used to subsidise apprenticeship training for all employers. While the Government’s intention was there, the Levy has not increased the number of apprenticeships, with the number of manufacturing and engineering apprenticeships falling from 36,170 (pre-apprenticeship levy) in 2016/17 to 32,000 in 2020/21, and total apprenticeships falling from 494,900 in 2016/17 to 321,400 in 2020/21.

Manufacturing firms have fed back that levy fund application can be restrictive, not reflective of the true costs of apprenticeships, burdened with government red tape processes, and too short on time frame, with firms only having 24 months to spend their allocated levy funds before they expire. There is a compelling requirement for the process to be changed to reflect the full cost and time frame of training apprentices. This could be achieved by doubling the time companies have to spend their levy funds from 24 months to 48 months and reviewing levy funding band limits. Raising the band limits to reflect full training costs would act as a stronger incentive for companies to take on apprentices. 

Giving employers greater flexibility to apply levy funds to a wider curriculum of training would also ensure that the Levy works to cover bespoke training requirements. The CIPD (Chartered Institute of Personnel and Development) has called for it to be replaced by a “flexible training levy” which empowers businesses to have greater autonomy and spend levy funds on whatever training best meets the needs of their business. Some firms do not spend their levy allowances, meaning apprenticeship training funds are wasted. Increasing the amount of levy funds that larger businesses can transfer to smaller firms to pay for apprenticeships would help to tackle this problem. 

Rishi Sunak announced in his Spring 2022 Statement as Chancellor his intentions to review and consider the effectiveness of the scheme after acknowledging that “the current tax system may not be doing enough to incentivise businesses to invest in the right kinds of training.” With Liz Truss making strong commitments to the levelling up agenda, boosting productivity, and economic growth, it is likely she will look to review the scheme as the new Prime Minister.

The CIPD said in a report produced by the BBC in 2021 that, since the levy was introduced, apprenticeship numbers have fallen and fewer have gone to young people, with its CEO Peter Cheese saying that “On all key measures the apprenticeship levy has failed.” It is clear the Apprenticeship Levy needs urgent reform to reflect the actual training requirements that business needs.

Eleanor is currently Conservative Councillor in Lower Morden, London Borough of Merton. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Pixabay]

Francesca Hale: Levelling up must help left behind white, working class boys

By Centre Write, Education

In June, a report by the Education Committee concluded that white, working class pupils are being ‘left behind’ after decades of neglect in the education system from the early years through to higher education. It affirmed the importance of education being included in the Government’s upcoming ‘levelling up’ strategy, as education is widely regarded as a key catalyst for social mobility.

Giving evidence to the committee last October, Professor Matthew Goodwin pointed to the concept of ‘white privilege’ – the idea that white people are societally privileged over other ethnic groups – as alienating poor white pupils, a group which the committee concludes are far from privileged in education.

Though both boys and girls are affected, it is the former group which is doubly disadvantaged; 2018 statistics demonstrate that white boys in receipt of free school meals had an average GCSE attainment score of 28.5 compared to the national average of 46.5.

Clearly, there is a crisis regarding the educational outcomes of white, working-class boys that needs to be addressed. New policies would benefit from being included in the levelling up strategy to ensure opportunities are afforded to this group throughout the life cycle.

Indeed, members of the Education Committee note only a proper targeted approach can address this issue, as opposed to the ‘muddling through’ approach taken by the Department for Education which prevents progress.

This issue is especially pertinent due to the measures enacted in response to the Covid-19 pandemic. In particular, there are serious concerns that inequalities in education attainment – which are likely to have been exacerbated by school closures – will impact white, working-class pupils the greatest.

Undoubtedly, efforts to increase girls’ attainment, particularly in subjects where their presence has been lacking – such as initiatives to encourage more girls to take STEM subjects and the removal of ‘gendered language’ in the curriculum – are admirable and have produced positive outcomes.

There was a 31% increase in the number of girls taking A-level STEM subjects from 2010 to 2019; the number of women accepted onto STEM undergraduate courses has increased by 50.1%. More generally, from 2006/07 to 2016/17, the percentage of women participating in higher education rose from just under 50% to 56%.

However, it is arguable that successive governments have failed to give the same level of attention to boys in education policy.

A significant and growing gender gap in attainment exists across the education system, from Key Stage 2 SATs to university level. Women’s attendance at university overtook men’s in the early 1990s; in 2016, women were 35% more likely than men to attend university. If current trends continue, a girl born in 2016 will be 75% more likely to attend university than a boy.

Therefore, there needs to be a shift in policy focus to address the inequalities faced by boys – in particular, white, working-class boys.

International education policy can be studied for possible solutions to this issue. The OECD states the problem of underachieving boys exists worldwide, including in Norway, which, like all Nordic countries, is regarded as a shining example of gender egalitarianism. 

In an OECD paper examining policies and practices enacted in other countries that could be implemented in Norway, various initiatives are discussed.

One example is the ‘Becoming a Man’ initiative enacted in Chicago, USA. Introduced in 2009, it tutors economically disadvantaged boys to enable better decision making and avoid causing disruption in the classroom. Research included in the paper concludes the programme had a positive effect on pupil attainment. 

Furthermore, the programme’s title reframes masculinity as a positive attribute associated with good behaviour and achievement. A similar initiative would therefore contribute to a more positive self-image for the white, working-class boys involved.

Elsewhere, a paper from Impetus states that, for white working-class boys, the link between education success and employment success is unclear and broken. 

Returning to Norway, the country has a tradition of utilising school visits in the community as a primary school level approach to careers guidance. This involves taking pupils to a variety of local organisations including museums, banks, and local businesses. A similar policy could be utilised in the UK to demonstrate success in employment to boys and link this to the importance of educational attainment. 

However, these pupils are likely to live in deprived areas where diverse job opportunities do not exist. This demonstrates why it is important that changes in policy form part of the Government’s levelling up strategy, as this specific issue cannot be considered in isolation from the wider socioeconomic context.

Whatever future developments in UK education policy may be, it is vital that this crisis is addressed to ensure that these ‘left behind’ boys are valued and supported.

Francesca is currently undertaking work experience at Bright Blue. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue.

Tom Goodman: The Turing scheme may not be as generous as the Erasmus programme

By Centre Write, Education

Boris Johnson’s decision to pull the UK out of the Erasmus programme, in favour of his Government’s Turing scheme, has prompted widespread criticism. Dr Hywel Ceri Jones, who was the European Commission’s Director for Education, Training, and Youth, has described the decision as “a severe blow to young people”, whilst Ireland has since pledged funding to keep Northern Ireland within the scheme.

The decision to abandon Erasmus is mystifying when reviewing the evidence. For example, a 2019 survey of 31 colleges, conducted by the Association of Colleges, found that “three-quarters gave the programme a full five out of five score for its benefits to the institution, with only three percent giving it a three and no scores below that”. Likewise, “57 colleges were granted funding to send staff and students abroad, up from 28 colleges six years before”.  With all this positive news, it is only logical that Johnson’s decision to exit the Erasmus scheme was on the premise that the Turing scheme is a much-improved version.

However, this does not seem to be the case. Erasmus offers placements for teachers, college staff, and youth workers, whilst the Turing scheme does not. Rather, the Turing scheme only allows staff to “accompany learners abroad for safeguarding purposes”. Compared to the Erasmus scheme, this highlights one area in which the Turing scheme is not as generous. 

In principle, this is because such staff are now not as easily able to experience different cultural approaches to teaching, meaning the quality of teaching will undoubtedly suffer. In the long-term, this staff underdevelopment would slow the personal development of all students who are unarguably the bedrock to our nation’s future. In practice, the scale of this underdevelopment is most apparent in the “1,152 UK staff who completed an Erasmus placement in 2020, according to Ecorys”. Thus, the Government must increase the funding of the Turing scheme to continue the invaluable international teacher training, and to ensure our future generations are not indirectly affected.

The Turing programme has another design flaw that makes it less generous than the Erasmus programme, namely its inability to financially support inbound students. This is contrary to Erasmus which offers grants to support travel and living costs for outgoing and incoming students.  

Going forward, this absence of financial support for incoming students could render UK universities unattractive, inevitably leading to a decrease in the number of European students wanting to study in the UK. This is particularly true when considering the extra visa and healthcare costs following Brexit. According to the University of Cambridge, students will be required to pay an “immigration health surcharge that amounts to £470, in addition to a visa application fee”, after leaving the European Union. To top it off, the chance of success for the Turing scheme is further reduced by the competing Erasmus scheme, whose European members offer various English-speaking courses already. In parallel, the Erasmus scheme also contains no entry surcharges which disincentivises using the Turing scheme even more.

Ultimately, the Turing scheme needs to adopt a Swiss-style programme, which still pays for inward and outward student mobility despite no longer being a member of the Erasmus programme. If this were to happen, UK universities would become a viable route for international students once more. Furthermore, making the Turing scheme more affordable for international students would also increase international awareness and promote social mobility amongst UK students. For the Turing scheme, this policy would somewhat reciprocate the generosity shown in the Erasmus programme.

For the Turing scheme to achieve its objectives and truly support the Government’s ambition of ‘Global Britain’, it must provide inward and outward student mobility, and greater funding, to ensure our teachers are not left behind.

Tom is currently undertaking work experience at Bright Blue. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Christophe Meneboeuf]