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Matte Sandroshvili: Create streets for pedestrians to tackle air pollution

By Centre Write, Energy & Environment, Towns & Devolution, Transport

In the heart of one of the world’s most iconic cities, a silent but deadly challenge looms large. Ninety-nine percent of London exceeds the World Health Organisation’s (WHO) recommended pollution particle limits. This causes 4,000 deaths a year in the capital which has the greatest percentage of deaths attributable to air pollution in England. It is clear we must do more to tackle air pollution and changing the layout of the streets is one proven, yet underappreciated, way to do it.

Existing measures, such as the Mayor of London’s Ultra Low Emission Zone (ULEZ), Low Traffic Neighbourhoods (LTN) and protected bike lanes have helped but are not enough to bring down air pollution. ULEZ works by charging drivers of non-compliant vehicles £12.50 per day. LTNs close off certain side roads and introduce bollards and planters to reduce traffic. Finally, the Mayor has implemented some protected bike lanes. However, London has 13,600 kilometres of road but only 160 kilometres of protected bike paths. This number needs to be increased to get people out of cars and onto bikes – thus reducing air pollution. 

Overall, however, whilst policies such ULEZ, LTNs and protected bike lanes have yielded results, with pollution levels 21% lower than they would have been without the measures, the problem persists. At the start of 2023, air pollution in London reached the pinnacle of the UK government’s DAQI (Daily Air Quality Index) and this was London’s worst rating since 2017. Clearly, more needs to be done. 

One potential solution is hidden beneath us: the street. Street design is an underappreciated field which has economic, social and environmental impacts – the way we design our streets dictates the way we interact with the world around us. If we design our streets for private cars, we will use private cars and here lies the problem in countless cities around the world: our cities are designed for cars, not people. 

This issue is especially prevalent in the USA, where New York has been setting an impressive example. In most of America it is almost impossible to get around without a car with 92% of households owning a car. However, New York still manages to maintain a better traffic and emission level than London, how is this so? 

New York has implemented a method of street design which prioritises the pedestrian and the cyclist over the motorist. These were started by the then Traffic Commissioner Janette Sadik Khan, who is responsible for making the pedestrianised Times Square we know today. She changed the streets by making protected bicycle lanes, wider pavements, narrower roads, fewer lanes and more pedestrian crossings. 

These reforms combined with greater public transport provision drove people away from cars and towards cycling, walking and using public transport. This has led to New York City having the lowest percentage of car ownership in America, at 45%, and fewer cars than London with only two million cars compared to London’s 2.6 million cars. This reduction in car ownership is key to bringing down air pollution as in both New York and London road vehicles are the biggest contributor to road pollution and even a change as easy cycling or walking one day a week can make a major difference by dropping each persons’ carbon footprint by 0.5 tonnes a year. 

There is plenty that London can take from New York’s improvements. First, it can introduce more protected bike lanes. Protected bike lanes help those who do not cycle as they do not feel safe; they separate the bikes from the cars and prevent any crashes. As previously mentioned, there are already some protected bike lanes in London and these have been successful with the 2015 implementation leading to an increase of up to 50% of cyclists on certain paths

Secondly, London needs to widen its pavements and narrow its road lanes. The average lane width in London is 12 feet – this is too wide and allows cars to feel safe travelling at high speeds whilst reducing the space for pedestrians and cyclists. If lanes are narrowed to ten feet, as they have been in New York, the benefits will be two-fold. First, this reduces the speed of cars and thus also reduces emissions by preventing brash accelerating and decelerating, which is a key cause of car emissions. Secondly, ten-foot lanes free up between four to six feet on the road which can be used to implement a new bike lane or more pedestrian crossings which reduces emissions by allowing more people to cycle or walk rather than drive.  

Overall, whilst street design is a relatively unknown field it can have a major impact on London’s emissions by reducing the number of Londoners driving and increasing the number who cycle, walk or take public transport.

Matte Sandroshvili is currently doing work experience at Bright Blue. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Tamara Menzi]

Will Prescott: Clean air schemes can’t forget those who are disabled

By Centre Write, Energy & Environment, Law & Justice, Politics, Will Prescott

Labelled the ‘invisible killer’, air pollution causes health problems throughout people’s lifetimes and is responsible for between 26,000-38,000 deaths in England each year. Unfortunately, recent measures to tackle the problem, such as the expansion of charging clean air zones (CAZs) and low traffic neighbourhoods (LTNs), have disproportionately burdened disabled people.

The upcoming expansion of the Ultra Low Emission Zone (ULEZ), the London equivalent of a CAZ, to all boroughs in the city, risks leaving some disabled residents in the lurch. Intended to reduce nitrogen oxide emissions in outer London, it will force owners of non-compliant vehicles (typically post-2005 petrol cars and post-2015 diesel cars), either to upgrade their cars or be charged £12.50 per day to continue using them. For context, up to 30,000 blue badge holders drive non-compliant vehicles in the capital.

In response to concerns raised by disability groups, the Mayor, Sadiq Khan, has made changes to the ULEZ, but these do not go far enough. He created a £110 million scrappage scheme, providing grants of up to £5,000 for disabled Londoners to upgrade non-compliant wheelchair-accessible vehicles, and exempted some, but not all, Blue Badge holders from paying the daily charge until 2027. 

While the ULEZ changes were welcomed by disability groups, the scrappage scheme is still not enough to cover the full cost of upgrading a vehicle, and the average wheelchair-accessible vehicle costs £30,000. While costs vary from vehicle to vehicle, the starting price for a retrofit is usually £6,000. Further, many Blue Badge holders will still have to pay the charge. 

The London scheme is not the only CAZ that insufficiently protects the disabled — Birmingham offers just £2,000 under its scrappage scheme while Bristol only entitles residents to a £1,500 grant plus a £500 loan. Bristol’s CAZ exemptions, which previously applied to Blue Badge holders, have already expired, prompting fears that many disabled residents will be “trapped in their homes”.

Low Traffic Neighbourhoods (LTNs), many of which were introduced following the Covid-19 pandemic, are another instance where disabled people’s needs have been overlooked. Intended to reduce car dependency by incentivising walking and cycling, LTNs involve the placement of bollards, planters and cameras to get rid of ‘through’ traffic on residential streets.

Unfortunately, the speedy implementation of LTNs has created problems. The bollards, for instance, are not always wide enough to fit in the non-standard cycles that some disabled people use. Additionally, some LTNs have greatly extended the travel times for disabled residents dependent on car transport and there have been concerns about insufficient consultation before rolling out new LTNs. 

Charities and campaigners have put forward several ideas to make clean air schemes more equitable. For instance, Asthma + Lung UK has recently called for nationally consistent and centrally funded scrappage scheme for all cities introducing charging CAZs, to cover the full cost of upgrading any wheelchair-accessible vehicle would help to reduce the financial strain of compliance. Disability campaigners have also pushed for all Blue Badge holders to be granted exemptions from ULEZ charges. 

Similarly, there may be low-cost measures to make public transport more accessible to at least some of those with disabilities, thus reducing car dependency for disabled people. Allowing disabled people to take on disabled-friendly vehicles like tricycles, as is being considered in Manchester, as well as equipping busses to fit more than one wheelchair user at a time, could in theory make a real difference and prevent families from having to split up every time they make a journey. Both these proposals warrant further exploration.   

Finally, as the charity Wheels for Wellbeing has argued, some problems associated with LTNs could be overcome with better consultation to ensure that planters are spaced widely enough apart, that pavements are fully accessible for all types of cycles and the needs of car-dependent residents are accommodated. 

This piece does not dispute the potential benefits of both clean air zones and low traffic neighbourhoods both in terms of reducing air pollution and in boosting levels of physical activity. However, unless relatively small steps are taken, we risk leaving disabled Britons behind.

Will Prescott is a Researcher at Bright Blue. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Andy Carne]

Thomas Nurcombe: The IPCC’s report shows how crucial nuclear energy will be to get to net zero.

By Centre Write, Energy & Environment, Foreign, Thomas Nurcombe

The UN’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change’s (IPCC) nervously awaited climate report has just been released. It concludes that current attempts to mitigate climate change are failing. The world is on track to overshoot its global warming target of limiting warming to 1.5 degrees over pre-industrial levels, as agreed in the 2015 Paris Agreement. Having already warmed 1.1 degrees since pre-industrial levels, the IPCC estimates that we are on track to exceed 2 degrees of warming by 2100.

Alarmingly, in 2019, atmospheric CO2 concentrations were higher than at any time in at least two million years, largely due to fossil fuel consumption. Widespread and rapid changes are affecting weather systems and causing climate extremes across the world, resulting in losses to biodiversity and life.

The IPCC effectively dictates that, if climate mitigation measures are not undertaken imminently and if countries do not bring forward their net zero plans by a decade, global temperature rises will be catastrophic.

The UK Government’s response is that despite being a world leader in pursuing net zero, our country must still go “further and faster.”

This latest IPCC report and its fatal findings should make the following clear for all sceptics: net zero must be achieved, and it must be achieved as quickly as possible.

Net zero targets rely on transitioning from fossil fuel to zero-carbon energy sources such as wind and solar energy. But, as the Chancellor pointed out in the Budget, “because the wind doesn’t always blow and the sun doesn’t always shine, we will need another critical source of cheap and reliable energy. And that is nuclear.”

Like renewables, nuclear energy emits negligible levels of CO2. In the United States, for example, nuclear energy is the largest source of clean power, generating nearly 800 billion kilowatt hours of electricity each year – enough to power over half of US homes – and producing over half of the nation’s emission-free electricity. Additionally, more than 470 million metric tons of carbon are avoided in the US annually by using nuclear energy, representing the equivalent of removing 100 million cars from the road.

Similarly, France can generate over 70% of its power through nuclear energy. In 2020, Ukraine generated 51% of its electricity from nuclear energy, Sweden 29.8% and South Korea 29.6%. But the UK fell far behind with only 14.5%. Britain remains dependent on non-renewables, with natural gas typically accounting for 40% of British energy – a shameful statistic for the self-proclaimed leader of the green industrial revolution.

Currently, most of Britain’s nuclear power sites are at the end of their life. However, the Government is aiming to deliver eight more reactors by 2030. Hinkley Point C in Somerset is now under construction and Sizewell C in Suffolk has the go-ahead. These two facilities alone are forecast to be able to power 12 million homes in the UK.

Yet, constructing large nuclear power plants is a lengthy process and these two sites will not be ready for several years.

This, however, does not put an end to our nuclear aspirations. Alongside the construction of new large nuclear plants, the Government intends to fund the development of Small Modular Reactors (SMRs) which work in the same way as large reactors but are smaller and quicker to construct. A typical SMR has the ability to power 400,000 homes.

Theoretically, SMRs pose a strong strategy for shorter-term nuclear energy provisions while the larger stations are in construction. Following Sizewell C’s and Hinkley Point C’s construction, SMRs and large plants can be used alongside each other in a way that can exceed the Government’s target of 25% of electricity generated by nuclear power by 2050.

Unfortunately, the IPCC sees the lack of private sector engagement and finance as preventing climate change mitigation and adaptation. The Chancellor seems to share such concerns. So, to encourage private sector investment, nuclear power will be reclassified as environmentally sustainable by the Green Technical Advisory Group which oversees the UK Green Taxonomy, subject to consultation.

With investors more inclined to look for sustainable investments under their Environmental, Social and Governance (ESG) frameworks, defining nuclear energy as environmentally sustainable should help direct private investment towards it.

By scaling up our nuclear energy programme and ensuring that it gets the level of funding it requires, Britain can continue its leading role in the global fight against climate change. IPCC scientists must surely get some relief that Britain is looking to decisively scale back our use of non-renewables in favour of this sustainable alternative.

Thomas Nurcombe is a Research Assistant at Bright Blue. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Lukáš Lehotský]

Sang-Hwa Lee: Should Britain pay ‘loss and damage’ climate reparations?

By Centre Write, Economy & Finance, Energy & Environment, Foreign

In international climate discourse, ‘loss and damage’ refers to the destructive and irreversible consequences of global warming that cannot be avoided by mitigation or adaptation. The devastation may arise from extreme weather events or more slow-onset catastrophes, such as rising sea levels, and includes both economic (damage to livelihood and property) and non-economic (loss of life, biodiversity, and cultural heritage) costs. More specifically, the term is used when discussing how to support developing countries that are particularly vulnerable to the adverse effects of climate change. It has been an area of contention for the past 30 years, pitting the Global North against the Global South. Despite this, ‘loss and damage’ has been added to the agenda for discussion at COP27 for the first time. 

Talk of ‘loss and damage’ dominated the first day of the conference and Labour was quick to back calls for such payments as ‘morally right’. Sunak echoed this language when reiterating the government’s commitment to honouring its climate finance obligations of £11.6 billion. But he maintained a studied reticence on the topic of compensation, implicitly aligning himself with Johnson’s more frank admission that Britain simply couldn’t afford it. The backlash on this issue (from those on both sides of the debate) overshadowed the Prime Minister’s announcement that the UK would also triple funding on adaptation to £1.5 billion by 2025.

Many of the countries worst-affected by climate change emit only a small proportion of the world’s carbon. Understandably, they feel angry that they must bear the brunt of the burden, which may even constitute an existential threat for many small island states. It is without question that Britain and other wealthy nations should help with global adaptation and mitigation efforts, as well as provide timely aid when disasters strike. This is both our moral duty and self-evidently in our own interest.

But those calling for ‘loss and damage’ payments do not only seek to institutionalise an insurance scheme that is wholly separate and distinct from existing conduits of climate financing and support. More problematically, they also appear to presume a right to such compensation based on the assumption that today’s wealthy nations share the collective guilt for industrialising first. As such, it has (despite Ed Miliband’s best efforts) effectively become synonymous with the controversial notion of ‘reparations’. As evinced by the quandary over slavery reparations in the US, this concept is mired in all sorts of political, moral, practical, philosophical, and legal challenges, which are only magnified when applied to climate justice. 

First, it is not at all clear that Britain has a ‘historical responsibility’ to provide reparations because of our pioneering role in the industrial revolution – a revolution that has, for all its many flaws, produced previously unimaginable riches that have improved the lives of billions of people all over the world. Playing such accounting blame games seems neither sound nor fair, and risks opening more dangerous doors (should, for example, Britain demand royalties for her early inventions and innovations?)

In addition, Britain’s cumulative emissions have long since been overtaken by other countries. It is certainly true that we have benefited from structural changes in our economy, particularly the offshoring of manufacturing, and we must not overly greenwash the carbon footprint in our supply chains. Still, other ‘developing’ countries, including China and India, emit substantially more and yet do not face the same pressure or opprobrium. 

Moreover, it is not necessary to be a climate denier to concede that the explanation behind the scale, frequency, and occurrence of adverse weather conditions is multifaceted. It should, by now, be beyond dispute that man-made global warming has made such extreme disasters more likely or more severe. Many were shocked by the severe flooding in Pakistan, which has, unsurprisingly, been a vociferous advocate of the compensation scheme. Yet it cannot be denied that Pakistan has suffered from major (and worse) floods before, nor should its alarming rate of deforestation be ignored. The country is already one of the largest recipients of UK aid, as it struggles to shore up its crumbling infrastructure and support its growing population (which has expanded over sixfold from 33 million to 235 million over the last 70 years) – all the while somehow maintaining an expensive nuclear weapons and space programme. Given all this, how exactly would the UK’s ‘loss and damage’ bill to Pakistan be calculated?

Perhaps most importantly, there would – justifiably – be significant uproar from large segments of the general population at the prospect of paying any reparations. Debt-addled Britain is anxiously bracing itself for the inevitable real-terms and actual cuts in the upcoming Autumn Statement. ‘Crisis’ seems to be the order of the day with regards to energy, education, housing, health and social care. And all this is amidst the backdrop of long-term stagnation in wages and productivity. No party – least of all the party of levelling up, of the 2019 mandate, and of one-nation Conservatism – can lecture struggling, working people about their historic ancestral sins and make them cough up reparations as atonement for their ill-gotten gains. Not unless, of course, it fancies an indefinite stint in Opposition (or worse) and wishes to incur the electorate’s wrath, nurture the most dangerous and irrational wings of extreme populism, and set the climate agenda back by a generation through a needless alienation of the public.

So what should the government do instead? If Britain has any historic obligation, it may be to channel the gusty entrepreneurial spirit of the industrial revolution into achieving net zero. This may include identifying and producing cutting-edge technology (green hydrogen, for example, is set to be a huge growth sector, promising plentiful energy and employment), as well as cutting the Gordian knot when it comes to our restrictive planning laws. We should be generous with sharing new technology with the rest of the world, while ensuring that we scrupulously honour our climate finance and aid obligations in the meantime. Finally, the government should genuinely try to persuade the nation that net zero is in their personal interest by intertwining the climate agenda with both national security and levelling up

Wealthy countries have a moral responsibility to do more and pay up. But sanctimonious rhetoric about reparations is rarely effective and often highly divisive. Tackling climate change is simply too important to be side-lined because of that. 

Sang-Hwa is currently undertaking work experience at Bright Blue. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Chris Gallagher]

Bartlomiej Staniszewski: A true blue should always go green

By Centre Write, Energy & Environment, Politics

Despite the progress made on net zero by past Conservative governments, there lingers a danger that right-wing voters and politicians are abandoning their environmental commitments. According to YouGov, 70% of Tory voters want net zero policies paused, as opposed to 37% of Labour and 33% of Liberal Democrat supporters – when ‘don’t knows’ are excluded. The previous Government gave in to those pressures, and was looking to reverse the ban on fracking that was instituted in 2019, in spite of the fact that an expansion of fracking is harmful to the target of achieving net zero by 2050 and is unlikely to meaningfully reduce energy prices.

Planning guidance was also under threat to be amended to make it more difficult to build solar farms, notwithstanding solar energy’s importance as a green source of energy and at a time of limited energy supply. But this abandonment by Liz Truss of her campaign pledge to double down on the drive to net zero by 2050 in the name of anti-environmental sentiments made little sense for conservatives. Despite Liz Truss being heralded as the more right-wing candidate, it is Rishi Sunak’s 2019 Manifesto-inspired policy that has been more faithful to conservative principles, given the conservative commitment to community and the obligations we have towards it.

Commitment to one’s community forms a cornerstone of conservative thought. Community is the source of the very traditions and values that conservatives seek to conserve, and conservatives often stress the importance of one’s nation, local community, and family, and the special obligations we have towards them.

This should be reflected in a concern for our climate. After all, community obligations are inter-generational. Our nations and communities outlive us, having been there before us and remaining long after we die; while conservatives often emphasise the former, they are at risk of forgetting the latter. Our obligations towards our communities are also obligations towards future generations.

But, unless we meet our net zero targets, the welfare of future generations is at threat from climate change. This will be catastrophic for communities across the UK. Flooding from increased rainfall and rising sea levels, will, at best, demand billions invested in flood defences, and, at worst, destroy people’s livelihoods and homes; there are already around 5.2 million homes and businesses at risk of flooding in England and this number is set to double in the next 50 years. Droughts have the potential to spell the end for Britain’s struggling agriculture and will damage Britain’s food supply. Climate change is already resulting in £150 million of yearly losses due to soil and water degradation, while in the dry summer of 2018, vegetable yields in the UK decreased by up to 40% – those summers will become worse and more common. Non-native species, and diseases, will become invasive as they move from climates that have become too warm for them, and native species will be pushed out, not adapted to higher temperatures.

More poignantly, climate change can destroy some of the things that make us most attached to our nations. Vera Lynn sang that “there’ll always be an England, while there’s a country lane, wherever there’s a cottage small beside a field of grain.” England’s green and pleasant land is an intrinsic part of English identity, and the unionist Rule Britannia! speaks of Britain’s “countless beauty places.” But this summer, when my friend’s mother came to visit us in Oxfordshire, she lamented that “It looks just like California!” as lawns, parks, and fields turned yellow, vegetation died, and bodies of water dried up; green and pleasant land was nowhere to be seen. Unless the British climate is protected, there will be no British community, because what Britain means will have been destroyed. Our community obligations will have been abrogated, but the Britain we love alongside them. 

To prevent that – something every conservative should wish to prevent – delivering net zero is imperative. Only by reducing our emissions to a sustainable level can we handle the impact of climate change.

Despite this, even before the previous Government came into power, the Climate Change Committee wrote in 2022 that the Government’s Net Zero Strategy “contained warm words on many of the cross-cutting enablers of the transition, but there has been little concrete progress” and that “[t]angible progress is lagging the policy ambition”. There was a real threat of further setbacks through the reversal of the aforementioned ban on fracking and the Government obstructing the development of solar farms. Natural gas extracted by means of fracking, due to its main component, methane, has a global warming potential (the amount of heat absorbed by a greenhouse gas in the atmosphere) up to 28 times higher than CO2 on a 100-year timespan, while solar power plays a key role in the aforementioned Net Zero Strategy, which promises to fully decarbonise the UK’s power system by 2035. The danger for now has been rightly avoided by the new Government, but principled conservatives need to remain dedicated to net zero in the future.

The repercussions of failing to meet the target of net zero would be drastic. Unless we succeed in reducing the impact of climate change, rising temperatures will devastate Britain’s future generations, burdening them with floods and droughts while permanently changing the British landscape as we know it. A lack of commitment to net zero runs afoul of conservatism and consists in a failure to fulfil our community obligations towards those that come after us. To conserve Britain, we must remain committed to delivering net zero.

Bartomiej Staniszewski is a Research and Communications Assistant at Bright Blue. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Margot RICHARD]

Picking up the pieces: tackling littering and fly-tipping in England

By Centre Write, Clean environment, Education, Energy & Environment, Joshua Marks, Law & Justice, Patrick Hall, Politics, Rebecca Foster, Towns & Devolution

Introduction

England is heavily littered, resulting in many detrimental economic, environmental, and social consequences.

In 2021, Bright Blue published our report Nature positive? examining in detail the UK public’s attitudes towards the state of and responsibility for the natural environment. We revealed that fly-tipping and littering is seen by the UK public as the third largest threat to the UK’s natural environment (25%), behind plastic pollution (41%) and climate change (37%).[1] A significant majority (76%) of the UK public felt that fines for littering should be higher.[2] This reflected a policy recommendation in our 2020 report, Global green giant, which called for an increase in the maximum amount for fixed penalty notices (FPNs) for littering from the current £150 to £500, with higher fines for repeat offenders, following the lead of places such as Singapore and Calgary.[3] Bright Blue then launched a petition to increase the maximum FPN for littering, backed by the Daily Express, RSPB, Clean Up Britain, and Sea Shepherd UK.[4]

This analysis builds on Bright Blue’s existing work and offers an in-depth explanation of the drivers and policies that attempt to tackle fly-tipping and littering, as defined in Box 1 below.

Box 1. Definitions of fly tipping and littering

Fly-tipping is the illegal disposal of household, industrial, commercial or other ‘controlled’   (waste that is subject to legislative control in either its handling or its disposal) waste.[5][6] Common examples of fly-tipped items include household waste, white goods, and construction materials which are usually disposed of in large quantities.

Littering, meanwhile, does not have a statutory definition but is commonly regarded as the improper discarding of materials, such as cigarette butts or drinks containers,  amounting to less than a black bag’s worth of rubbish.[7]

The analysis first identifies the leading impacts and drivers of fly-tipping and littering, and provides an overview of current government policy towards both. This analysis then looks overseas to identify effective measures used in other countries to reduce fly-tipping and littering. Finally, the analysis puts forward original policy recommendations to reduce fly-tipping and littering in England.

Since fly-tipping and litter is a devolved issue in the UK, the scope of this analysis is limited to England.

Methodology

We conducted an extensive literature review of relevant reports and surveys conducted by government, universities, and civil society organisations to identify the broad trends and drivers of the littering and fly-tipping problem in the UK. The literature review also helped us gain insights into how other countries have tackled the problem with a variety of policy approaches. 

Our thinking has also been informed by a meeting of Bright Blue’s Conservation Advisory Board and an invite-only private roundtable attended by leading decision makers from the  public, private, and third sectors.

What is the impact of fly-tipping and littering? 

Fly-tipping and littering have adverse impacts on our environment, our economy and our society.

Many commonly littered items – particularly plastics and cigarette butts – decompose very slowly, polluting soils if improperly discarded.[8] Dangerous chemicals can then be released into the surrounding soil, potentially making their way into groundwater and from there, into waterways and ecosystems.[9] This poses a significant risk to wildlife: the ingestion of discarded items can cause serious harm or death to animals, including aquatic wildlife. The Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (RSPCA) receives on average 14 calls a day in relation to animals affected by litter, with wild birds being a particularly common victim.[10] Additionally, plastic pollution from littering can disrupt the life cycle of microbes such as Prochlorococcus, a bacteria responsible for the production of 10% of global oxygen and critical for the marine food web.[11]

Fly-tipping and littering bring with them economic consequences as well. The cost to the taxpayer of cleaning up our streets is estimated to be almost £700 million a year in terms of spending by local authorities.[12] For fly-tipping specifically, the most recent figures show the cost of clearance to local authorities in England for large incidents[13] is £11.6 million a year.[14]

Research by Keep Britain Tidy, a UK environmental charity, has also found that litter is most prevalent in more deprived areas and can negatively influence local tourism and the local economy.[15] Unpleasantly, certain types of litter, particularly food waste, can attract rodents, creating pest problems for residential areas.[16] But perhaps more powerfully, litter can actually generate and reinforce negative perceptions of an area, reducing people’s enjoyment of the towns, villages, and countryside which may be their home.[17]

Indeed, the restoration of civic pride and activity in so-called left-behind areas is one of the core objectives of the Government’s Levelling Up agenda, as stated in Levelling up the United Kingdom white paper.[18] Tackling littering could well be an underestimated important step in improving civic activity and pride.

The state of fly-tipping and littering in England 

The prevalence of fly-tipping and littering in England is difficult to establish definitively. We can only illustrate the severity of fly-tipping and littering using the data that is available. This includes: the number and location of reported incidents; data from ‘sample sites’ specially selected to be geographically representative; and public perceptions.

Unlike littering, it is easier to report and track incidents of fly-tipping since it involves larger items being improperly discarded. However, there are still challenges with sourcing accurate data on its prevalence.

Incidents of fly-tipping are reported to local authorities, community organisations such as Crimestoppers and the police. Chart 1 below shows the total number of reported fly-tipping incidents to local authorities in England from 2018-19 to 2020-21, and where they occurred. Comparisons of data from the years predating 2018-19 cannot be made owing to methodological changes by Defra which took place from 2018-19 onwards. Of course, these are only incidents of fly-tipping which have been reported to local authorities and the actual number of incidents is likely to be higher than is indicated in Chart 1 below.[19]

Chart 1. Total reported incidences to local councils and land type of fly-tipping in England from 2018-19 to 2020-21[20]

Source: Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, “ENV24 – Fly tipping incidents and actions taken in England”, 2021.

In the past three years, we have witnessed the number of reported fly-tipping incidents in England increase from 957,157 in 2018-19 to well over one million in 2020-21.[21] The trend in where people most commonly fly-tip their waste has not changed: highways, footpaths/bridleways, and council land are consistently the most common types of land where fly-tipping occurs.

According to the latest 2020-2021 figures, a majority of 65% of all fly-tipping incidents (equivalent to 736,686 cases) comprise household waste. This includes, but is not limited to, house clearances, old furniture, carpets, and ‘black bag’ garbage. Similarly, commercial waste, which includes cardboards, foam, and plastic discards contribute to nearly 6% of fly-tipping incidents. The remaining 29% of fly-tipping incidents consist of miscellaneous waste such as construction material from demolitions, white goods, electrical waste, tyres, animal carcasses, and chemical drums among others.[22]

While individually dropped items of litter cannot be reported in the same way as incidents of fly-tipping, each year Keep Britain Tidy conducts the Local Environmental Quality Survey of England to assess the state of litter across the country.[23] Using a geographically representative sampling framework of 4,200 different sites across England, the survey applies a grade from A (no issues present) to D (heavily littered) to each site to reflect the severity of litter.

In the latest survey conducted in 2019-2020, 91% of sites were deemed to be at or above the acceptable standard of grade B (predominantly free of litter but with some issues).[24] While this may sound encouraging, Keep Britain Tidy also estimates that two million pieces of rubbish are being dropped every day across the country, meaning some 23 items are improperly discarded every second.[25] The most commonly littered items are smoking-related litter (77%), confectionery packets (45%), and non-alcoholic drinking vessels (40%).[26]

BOX 2. Cigarette litter

Available data tells us that smoking-related litter is the most prevalent form of litter in England, making up 68% of all littered items and found at almost 80% of sites surveyed by Keep Britain Tidy.[27] The vast majority of cigarette butts are single-use plastic and contain toxic chemicals once smoked.[28]

Research by Clean Up Britain surveyed 412 smokers to better understand their disposal habits regarding cigarette butts.[29] The study found that 41% of surveyed smokers admitted to ‘often’ or ‘always’ dropping butts on the ground.[30] 48% of those surveyed admitted to ‘occasionally’ or ‘rarely’ dropping butts and only 11% never littered their cigarette butts.

The Local Environmental Quality Survey of England also examined the types of land where people most commonly litter. These were industry and warehousing sites with 33% not meeting the acceptable standard for litter, high obstruction housing with 15% of sites not meeting the acceptable standard, and other retail and commercial areas with 14% of sites not meeting the acceptable standard. Other areas including highways, main roads, recreation areas, low obstruction housing, and main retail and commercial areas ranged from 2% to 12% of sites not meeting the acceptable standard.[31]

The blight of litter across England does not go unnoticed by the public. Since the beginning of the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020, 38% of people reported having seen more litter near where they live and a significant majority of people (76%) noticed an increase in personal protective equipment (PPE), such as face masks being littered.[32] Furthermore, as Bright Blue’s recent report showed, the public consider fly-tipping and littering to be the third most significant threat to the country’s natural environment (25%), behind climate change (36%) and plastic pollution (40%).[33]

The key drivers of fly-tipping and littering 

There are of course many reasons why people fly-tip and litter. The factors most commonly cited in existing evidence include: social influences, such as how others have treated an area; lack of education; insufficient disposal infrastructure; the cost of legitimate disposal, particularly in the case of fly-tipping; and a lack of law enforcement, such as a low rate of fines being issued.[34]

On social influences, individuals are more likely to litter in dirty environments compared to cleaner environments. In a study where participants were given a flyer on the windscreens of their cars, they littered the flyer the most when they observed someone littering in an already dirty environment, and they littered the least when they observed someone littering in a clean environment.[35] This indicates that the state of the surrounding area can influence the decision-making of individuals. In addition, behavioural research shows that only 49% of litterers strongly agreed that they take pride in where they live, compared to 69% of non-litterers.[36]

Lack of education about litter is also suggested as a key reason for littering behaviour, with focus group research in Wales indicating that littering can result in part from never having been taught to not litter.[37]

Similarly, the direct link between the lack of public receptacles and the increase in littering suggests that insufficient disposal infrastructure is another reason for why people litter. If people are unable to locate a receptacle or the bins are not regularly cleared, overloading of receptacles can occur which leads to increase in littering.[38]

Furthermore, fly-tipping in particular may be carried out to avoid disposal costs. The cost for collection of bulky items which do not fit into a wheeled bin varies based on the type and quantity of items, as well as the local authority’s fee. For example, Fenland District Council offers the collection of four items per visit for £30[39], Medway Council offers collection of three items for £22,[40] and Blackpool Council the same for £20.[41]

Historically, charging at waste disposal sites may also have an impact on fly-tipping rates. For example, Buckinghamshire Council charged in excess of £20 to dispose of items such as boilers, and over £10 for other items such as shower screens/doors, windows or a fireplace.[42] At Brent’s Household Re-use and Recycling Centre, disposing of one tonne of waste cost £165 with a minimum charge of £16 for waste up to 100 kilograms.[43]

To assess the link between fly-tipping and disposal costs, Bright Blue previously recommended ​​carrying out a government-backed study on the cost of fly-tipping enforcement and clean up compared to the cost of running free waste disposal sites where building/domestic waste can be disposed of responsibly. [44] In April 2022, the Government removed the ability for local authorities to charge households for the disposal of DIY waste at waste disposal sites, but its impact on fly-tipping remains to be seen.[45]

Finally, turning to consider law enforcement, failure by local authorities to issue fines for littering has meant that their efficacy as a deterrent has been hindered. In England, litterers can receive a FPN ranging from £65 to a maximum of £150. However, data obtained by Freedom of Information rules has revealed that of the 169 councils which responded to the request, the majority (56%) issued less than one FPN a week and 16% issued none for the 2018-19 period.[46]

Current responsibility for fly-tipping and littering

First, on littering, the Environmental Protection Act (EPA) 1990, Section 89, establishes where the duty to keep land and highways clear of litter lies. The Secretary of State for Transport is responsible for the network of motorways and strategic roads managed by National Highways in England. All other roads fall under the responsibility of the local authority where they are located.

Local authorities are also responsible for land under their direct control and which the public has access to. Section 89 of the EPA 1990 also states that the ‘designated statutory undertaker’ is responsible for keeping their relevant land clear of litter. This is in reference to organisations such as those permitted to operate railways, airports, canals, docks, and harbours. For educational institutions, including schools and universities, the governing body of each institution is responsible for keeping land which is open to the air free of litter.

Section 87 and 88 of the EPA 1990 establishes littering to be an offence in any place open to the air, including private property and bodies of water. Those found guilty can be fined by a court up to £2,500, or more commonly, be issued with a FPN of up to £150 by a local authority. Although National Highways are responsible for keeping motorways under their management free of litter, they cannot directly issue FPNs to those who litter. Instead, they must apply to the relevant local authority – the one in which the incident occurred – to issue an FPN.

For some roads, National Highways contracts out responsibility for keeping roads and verges free of litter. However, this has been ineffectual in the past and drawn criticism, as Box 3 below explains further.

Box 3. An example of private contracting from National Highways: Connect Plus Ltd

National Highways has contracted out the management and operation of the M25 network to Connect Plus, including the responsibility for ensuring it is free of litter. In 2009 Connect Plus received a 30-year contract worth £8 billion of taxpayer funding from National Highways to deliver these services.

However, criticism has been levelled at Connect Plus for failing to ensure the M25 is kept free of litter, as is required by law under the EPA 1990. Ample amounts of photographic evidence, as well as an investigation by Channel Four news, has revealed that swathes of the M25 remain heavily littered.[47]

Further criticism comes from the return shareholders have gained. A report by the National Audit Office revealed that over an eight year period, equity holders in Connect Plus have benefitted from a 31% return per annum.[48]

 

Community Protection Notices (CPNs) are another tool available to local authorities and police for dealing with ongoing nuisances affecting a community’s quality of life. The Anti-Social Behaviour Crime and Policing Act 2014 introduced CPNs, repealing several other anti-littering measures in the process – including Street Litter Control Notices, Litter Clearing Notices, and, Litter Abatement Notices[49] – and placing them under CPNs.[50] The UK Government’s rationale for this move was the confusing nature of a system using several different notices.

As for fly-tipping, section 33 of the EPA 1990 establishes the unlawful depositing of waste as an offence, but does not stipulate a maximum fine.[51] Defendants are sentenced on a case by case basis with penalties ranging from the issuance of a FPN to vehicle seizure and jail time.[52]

Local authorities are responsible for investigating and clearing fly-tipping incidents, and enforcing penalties on those committing small-scale offences such as those on public land.

For larger scale offences, defined as quantities of waste which are a tipper lorry load or more in size, the enforcement responsibility lies with the Environment Agency.[53]

On private property, it is the responsibility of the property owner to remove waste, which they can be directed to do by local authorities or the Environment Agency.

Public policies to reduce fly-tipping and littering

There are broadly five types of public policies to address fly-tipping and littering: regulatory; punishments; behavioural; incentives; and educational. These can apply to both individuals and organisations, and to both producers and consumers of waste.

Regulatory policy uses regulations and laws to direct or control the behaviour of individuals and organisations.

Policies that are punishments seek to deter individuals or organisations from behaving in a certain way that violates an existing law or regulation. In this sense, they are a branch of regulatory policy.

Behavioural policy uses behavioural science to influence the behaviour of individuals or organisations through ‘nudges’. It is also a branch of regulatory policy since it uses rules to shift attitudes and behaviours.

Policies that are incentives seek to encourage individuals or organisations to behave in a certain way which delivers a desired outcome – for example, by offering a financial benefit for desired behaviour such as recycling.

Education policy engages the public, especially young people, through schools, civil society organisations, and national campaigns.

We now identify the leading and current public policies in England under these five types of policies to reduce fly-tipping and littering. Those detailed below are the leading measures; they are not meant to be exhaustive.

Regulatory

  • Plastic bag charge. By law, retailers of all sizes are required to charge at least ten pence for a single-use carrier bag. This is not a tax and the proceeds of the scheme are donated to good causes chosen on a case by case basis by the retailer.[54] To avoid the additional charge, consumers are thereby incentivised to use reusable bags, reducing the use of single-use carrier bags and the litter they can cause. Since its introduction the scheme has cut plastic bag use down by more than 95% and raised over £180 million.[55]
  • Plastic Packaging Tax. This new tax, which came into force on the 1st April 2022, charges manufacturers £200 per metric tonne of plastic packaging used in their product unless at least 30% has been made from recycled plastic. This tax is applied to plastic manufactured or imported into the UK but does not apply to packaging used for the purpose of importing goods. The aim of this tax is to provide an incentive for businesses to buy and use recycled plastic. In a previous report, Global Green Giant, Bright Blue recommended that the UK’s plastic packaging tax threshold should be set at 35% from 30% as soon as feasible, and this threshold should increase if viable on an annual basis thereafter.[56]
  • Ban on certain single-use plastic items. Common single-use plastic items including straws, stirrers, cotton buds, disposable plastic plates, single-use plastic cutlery, balloon sticks, food and drink containers, expanded polystyrene containers, and oxo-degradable products are banned.[57] If found to be breaking the law, individuals and businesses will be issued a fine based at the discretion of their local authority.[58] The Government has recently concluded a public consultation which looked to extend bans and is expected to publish the outcome in the near future.[59] However, studies have found that just banning single-use plastics is often insufficient and does very little to reduce the total amount of waste without also banning single-use non-plastic alternatives.[60]
  • Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) Scheme. In 2024 the UK Government is set to introduce an Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) scheme for packaging. This will require producers to cover the costs of managing packaging once it becomes waste and producers will pay more for less sustainable packaging, incentivising packaging that uses less material and is easier to recycle. Defra has finished consulting on the design of the EPR scheme and a full Government response is expected to be published in 2022.[61]
  • Electronic waste tracking. The Government’s flagship Environment Act 2021 will allow for the introduction of mandatory electronic waste tracking to begin between 2023 and 2024. The policy is aimed at collecting data to better understand how waste is processed and increase compliance by businesses.[62] Currently, the Government is deciding between two waste tracking systems: Anthesis and Topolytics. Anthesis relies on workers within the waste management system scanning QR codes on waste consignments and uploading the identity of the consignments to their database. Should waste go missing at any point, it can be traced back to when it was last scanned. Topolytics gathers data through multiple different sources including electronic invoices, weighbridges at refuse stations, bin weighing systems, vehicle tracking systems such as GPS, and smart labelling systems. The latter works by using printable radio frequency identification (RFID) tags which can be scanned. Topolytics then uses a tracking system built from all different data sources to produce a waste map showing where waste has been and will go. This data allows authorities to pinpoint where waste goes missing at any stage. The type of system to be adopted and its implementation date is yet to be confirmed.

Punishments

  • Fixed Penalty Notices (FPNs). Dropping litter is a criminal offence under Section 87(1) of the EPA 1990 in England and Wales. Litterers could face a fine of up to £2,500 if prosecuted in court.[63] More commonly issued to the litterer is a FPN, issued by local authorities or the police.[64] As mentioned previously, FPNs are set by the local authority and range from a minimum of £65 to a maximum of £150[65]. If litter is thrown from a vehicle, the owner of the vehicle can be fined, irrespective of whether they committed the offence themselves. The rationale is for FPNs to deter people from littering. However, many organisations, including Bright Blue, believe that a maximum FPN of £150 is inadequate to deter litterers from offending and have called for FPNs to be set at a much higher level[66]. Furthermore, very few local authorities have actually been enforcing the law – of those who responded to a relatively recent Freedom of Information (FOI) request, 56% of local authorities issued less than one FPN per week and 16% issued none at all – thereby undermining the efficacy of FPNs as a deterrent for littering.[67] A report by Keep Britain Tidy found that the majority of people who had been issued an FPN had altered their behaviour in the short term but it did not change their attitudes in the long term .[68]
  • Community Protection Notices (CPNs). CPNs, described earlier, are designed to deal with ongoing nuisances which affect communities’ quality of life. They may be used to tackle littering on specific premises, whether it is private or commercial. Before local authorities can issue a CPN, they must first issue a written warning to the individual or organisation undertaking the anti-social behaviour. Failure to comply with a CPN can result in a fine of up to £2,500 for individuals and up to £20,000 for business. Additionally, the magistrates court can order forfeiture and destruction of any item used in the commission of the offence[69].
  • Prosecution for fly-tipping. If found guilty of fly-tipping, individuals can be prosecuted with consequences ranging from unlimited fines and seizure of the vehicle used to commit the offence to imprisonment. Additionally, households can be fined up to £400 if they pass their waste to an unlicensed waste carrier which is subsequently fly-tipped. As Chart 1 showed earlier, the total number of fly-tipping incidents between 2018-19 and 2020-21 reported to local authorities increased by 18% from approximately 957,000 to 1,134,000. During the same time, the total number of actions taken against the offences decreased by 9% from nearly 501,000 actions in 2018-19 to 456,000 actions in 2020-2021.[70] Both fixed penalty notices and prosecutions decreased by approximately 40% and 25% during these years.[71]

Behavioural

  • Litter innovation fund. Defra and the Department for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities (LUHC) set aside £450,000 for two years from 2018 to provide match funding grants of up to £10,000 for local authorities and communities to come up with creative solutions for tackling litter. For example, in 2019, Keep Britain Tidy received a grant of £9,900 to pilot a ‘reflective litter’ campaign across the City of London.[72] It involved strategically placing mirrors in areas where people often intentionally placed litter, rather than carelessly discarding it, so that those who litter would then see themselves carrying out an act of littering. The mirrors were inscribed with text slogans such as “Mirror, mirror on the wall, litter reflects badly on us all”. Monitoring of the three sites where the pilot was carried out revealed a 19.5% reduction in litter.[73] Another example was £10,000 granted to Medway Council to deliver interventions to reduce littering at Chatham Waterfront Bus Station. They nudged people to dispose of their litter properly through interventions such as having a cigarette butt disposal bin which allow smokers to place their butts in a particular bin. They also painted footsteps on the pavement which led to a rubbish and recycling bin, encouraging people to use the receptacles. The interventions delivered a 71% improvement in the public’s perception of cleanliness of the bus station.[74]

Incentives

  • Deposit Return Scheme (DRS). The Government is set to introduce a Deposit Return Scheme (DRS), where consumers will be charged a deposit on drinks containers that are refunded upon the drink container being deposited in designated recycling bins. The scheme will be run by a new body, the Deposit Management Organisation (DMO), and is designed in such a way as to provide a financial incentive for consumers to dispose of their containers in an environmentally sustainable way as opposed to littering or disposing of the containers in a regular bin to be sent to landfill.[75] Defra has finished consulting on the design of the DRS and expects to publish a full response in 2022, outlining key policy decisions, such as what rate the deposit charge will be set at, who is responsible for collecting the returns and how widely the scheme will apply for example, the different types of items included and their sizes.
  • Free Waste Disposal: In April 2022, the Government announced plans to remove the ability for local authorities to charge for the removal of DIY waste from households including plasterboards, bricks, and bath units. The Government did in fact ban charges on local residents disposing of household rubbish at household waste centres in 2015, but now guidance has made clear that this includes DIY household waste. Around a third of local authorities still charged for certain types of DIY waste prior to the most recent announcement. The announced change in regulation could save households up to £10 for each individual item being disposed of and removes a barrier to the legal disposal of DIY waste: incentivising responsible disposal and reducing the likelihood of DIY waste fly-tipping.[76]

Educational

  • National anti-litter campaign. The ‘Keep it. Bin it.’ campaign, jointly led by Defra and Keep Britain Tidy, has reached 3.3 million 16 to 24 year olds, aiming to challenge public perceptions about whether it is acceptable to litter.[77] The campaign includes videos with anti-littering messaging, such as showing the impact it has on animals, which are displayed at various locations across the country, including online, in cinemas’ pre-show adverts, at Network Rail stations and digital billboards at motorway service stations.[78] It was launched in November 2018 and has been backed by commercial partners, including McDonalds, Greggs, PepsiCo UK, Network Rail, and others.[79] Historically, other anti-littering campaigns have been very effective both within the UK and internationally. The Love Essex campaign combined education with enforcement warnings by putting up posters on billboards and buses, and messages on fast food packaging, which highlighted the risk of a fine for littering. Additionally, there were regular ‘litter-picks’ with local businesses to showcase the extent of the problem. In its third year, from August to October 2016, the campaign reported a 41% reduction in litter. The Don’t Mess With Texas campaign was launched in 1985 by the Texas Department of Transportation and for the last thirty years has aimed to teach Texans the true cost of littering. Its billboard, radio, and TV adverts contain local and national celebrities who highlight the difference a single person can make by disposing of their litter responsibly and show how much litter cleanup costs the state.[80] Since 2009, the campaign has shown a 34% reduction in visible roadside litter.[81]

Figure 1. The leading UK policy approaches and measures to fly-tipping and littering

Littering policies overseas

Elsewhere around the world, cities and countries are kept clean thanks to unique and additional policies beyond those which have been enacted in England. Here, we focus on examples of effective regulatory, punishment, behavioural, incentives, and educational policies from different countries.

Regulatory

European countries such as Malta, Ireland, Portugal and Czechia have recently introduced ‘smart bins’ to tackle overflowing receptacles in public areas.[82] The bins are attached with solar panels which power a small compactor to crush waste, thereby increasing capacity, decreasing the likelihood of overflowing receptacles, and reducing the frequency of waste collection by 85%.[83]

The bins are connected to an app which can be accessed by both city management authorities and citizens. City management can monitor the bins which are nearing capacity and target them specifically for waste collection, increasing the efficiency of rubbish truck trips. Similarly, citizens can also access data on waste collection and locate nearby empty litter and recycling bins.

Malta saw an increased recycling rate of 51% since the bin’s introduction and the central district in Prague is expected to make over £10,000 in savings a year.[84][85]

Punishments

Although punishments for fly-tipping and littering are common across the world, some are notably stricter than those in force in England. Singapore, widely regarded as one of the cleanest countries in the world, has a set of strict laws to keep its streets clean[86]. Litterers caught dropping small items such as cigarette butts or wrappers face a fine of S$300 (£180) for their first offence and subsequent offences attract increasingly higher fines of up to £10,000 for the third conviction.[87] For larger items that are littered, such as drinking vessels, the litterers are required to appear before the courts and carry out a Corrective Work Order, a form of community service where offenders must wear high visibility jackets which identify them as litterers and pick up litter.[88] Additionally, plain clothed officers enforce these laws, making them difficult to evade and over 3,000 surveillance cameras have been installed to catch litterers since 2012.[89][90] High-rise littering, where litter is thrown out of the windows of high rise apartments, has even stricter penalties, with first-time offenders facing a fine of up to S$2,000 (£1200).[91] Due to the significantly higher fines, there are less repeat high-rise littering offenders compared to general littering offenders.[92]

In addition, chewing gum is banned in Singapore. Its importation into the country is illegal for both commercial purposes or personal use.[93] If people are caught improperly disposing of chewing gum or carrying large quantities of it, they are fined S$1,000 (£600) for their first offence with increased fines for subsequent offences.[94] This ban is widely regarded as effective, significantly reducing the amount of gum stuck to sidewalks, making the streets easier to clean.[95]

Behavioural

Denmark’s capital Copenhagen ran a campaign called ‘Pure Love’ between 2012 and 2015, which encouraged residents to keep their city clean.[96] Measures included making bins bright green so they are easily identifiable, painting green footsteps on the pavement leading towards bins, and displaying heart-shaped symbols across the city with messages to reinforce the campaign.

An evaluation indicated an increase in awareness about cleanliness.[97] As a result of the campaign, Copenhagen was able to claim the title of being the cleanest city in Europe.[98]

Incentives

In Australia, the Sustainable Communities Tidy Towns Awards, given out by Keep Australia Beautiful, rewards projects and initiatives with a focus on environmental sustainability and resource management.[99] The awards include the category ‘Dame Phyllis Frost Litter Prevention’, which directly awards communities for successful litter reduction.[100] Although it is difficult to measure the success of running competitions for reducing littering and fly-tipping, the award encourages communities to keep their local area clean and increases awareness of community-led environmental action.

Educational

Sustainable Coastlines, a charity funded by the Ministry for the Environment, leads New Zealand’s ‘Litter Intelligence Programme’. The programme is built on standardised beach litter monitoring, which is New Zealand’s adaptation of the United Nations Environment Programme/Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission methodology. [101]

This programme has two main components. The first is where each school adopts a beach in their neighbourhood. The charity provides professional development training to teachers, and students are trained on how to collect data on marine litter to identify local issues in their community and tackle them. Through the programme, students are provided with training, equipment and technology to become ‘Citizen Scientists.’[102]

After successful completion of the first component, the second component integrates Citizen Scientists within a national network of monitoring groups. Schools are allowed to contribute their data to a national litter database which is used to track littering trends in the country as well as monitor and evaluate interventions to curb littering.

The success of this programme is reflected in the high quality of the database which is being used to inform government policies such as tracking plastics and single use plastic products. The data has also been used in official government reports.[103]

Recommendations 

In the past, Bright Blue has proposed a number of policy recommendations to reduce fly-tipping and littering. These include: higher fines through FPNs for littering; ring-fencing revenue from FPNs for local environmental purposes; and totally waiving the costs for DIY waste disposal at household waste centres, a policy which was adopted by the Government in April 2022.[104]

Here we recommend new policies, based on the different types of policy approaches and from adapting examples overseas. The list of policies is not exhaustive; other organisations have proposed credible ideas which the Government should seriously consider. And there is no one single type of policy that will stop littering and fly-tipping. Instead a blend of approaches opens the possibility of finding and executing the most effective interventions to reduce both littering and fly-tipping.

The policies we recommend are guided by four key principles:

  • Fiscally responsible. Policies must be fiscally realistic and not place too great a demand on public money.
  • Be led by evidence. Policy suggestions should be supported by evidence of efficacy from either domestic trials or overseas implementation where possible.
  • Politically realistic. Suggestions should be realistic and not significantly change the workload of any government organisation or department.
  • Publicly acceptable. Policies should be likely to have the support of the majority of the public and not be too burdensome or restrictive on individuals.

Regulatory

Recommendation one: Task the Office of Environmental Protection with inspecting local authorities to ensure they are enforcing the law on litter and mandate the use of third-party enforcement services when they fail to do so.

Fines for littering – notably FPNs – could be a powerful tool to dissuade people from littering. However, many local authorities are failing to enforce the law on litter, or are doing so very lightly.[105] As mentioned previously, when local authorities were questioned via a Freedom of Information request about how many FPNs they had issued on a weekly basis, 56% of those who responded had issued less than one FPN per week and 16% issued none at all. If FPNs are not being issued, it hinders their efficacy as a deterrent for littering.

Currently, there are no official inspections into whether local authorities are enforcing the law on litter, nor are there repercussions for failing to do so. The Office of Environmental Protection (OEP), the new independent regulator designed to hold government and other public bodies to account on environmental protection, should be tasked with inspecting local authorities to ensure they are applying the law on litter. Where they are failing to do so, the OEP should mandate the use of third-party enforcement services to apply the law on litter within a local authority’s area.

Third-party enforcement services, usually private companies, are already used by some local authorities in England, such as Barnet London Borough Council and Bristol City Council. These third-party enforcement services are given authority to issue FPNs to those who litter by local authorities.  The use of such third-party enforcement services can be cost-effective for local authorities as they can generate revenue from the fines they issue. This also incentivises third-party services to actively enforce the law on littering and issue FPNs.

In 2018, the 73 local authorities who employed private, third-party enforcement services to issue FPNs issued an average of 2,940 fines each per year.[106] By comparison, the 230 local authorities who did not employ third-party enforcement services to issue FPNs issued an average of 157 each per year.[107]

Recommendation two: Update National Highways’ Key Performance Indicators to include litter, with an accompanying ambitious target for reducing it.

Littered verges along motorways remain a common sight for motorists in England. National Highways are responsible for keeping the motorways and strategic roads under their management free of litter. Attempts by National Highways to outsource this responsibility to third party contractors have been unsuccessful, as the earlier example of Connect Plus Ltd attests to.

National Highways’ Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) focus on the activities and outcomes which are most important to the organisation, broken down into several different categories. One category is ‘Being environmentally responsible’, where KPIs include noise reduction, no loss of biodiversity, air quality targets, and a reduction in carbon emissions, but with no mention of litter. Instead, litter is mentioned as a Performance Indicator,[108] but unlike KPIs, Performance Indicators are not seen as a critical measure which must be achieved and generally do not have targets.

National Highways should establish litter as a KPI. This would ensure that litter is treated as a critical measure which must be prevented, thereby embedding it within the strategic direction of National Highways. Furthermore, it should be accompanied by an ambitious litter reduction target for England’s motorway verges.

Alongside keeping motorway verges clear of litter, this would ensure that breaching contracts is taken more seriously. The contracts which have failed to deliver, such as Connect Plus Ltd, would be deemed intolerable and therefore likely to be negotiated more effectively in the future, such as including penalty clauses for failure to deliver.

Punishments

Recommendation three: Introduce imprisonment as a minimum sentence for those fly-tipping asbestos.

Currently, those caught fly-tipping face penalties ranging from unlimited fines and seizure of the vehicle used to commit the offence through to imprisonment, irrespective of the material being fly-tipped. Given the strong link between asbestos and mesothelioma – a form of cancer with an extremely high mortality rate – those caught fly-tipping asbestos should face imprisonment as a minimum sentence.[109]

Behavioural

Recommendation four: Defra should re-establish the Litter Innovation Fund on a long-term basis with annual funding grants.

The Litter Innovation Fund ran for two years from 2018 to 2019 and gave £450,000 worth of funding to various charities and organisations to trial novel anti-littering methods, some of which have been described earlier.[110] Defra should re-create the fund on a long-term basis with new grants available annually for local authorities and other third party organisations for initiatives to effect positive behavioural change around littering.

While there is no analysis for the overarching efficacy of the Littering Innovation Fund in reducing litter, specific projects that were funded from it such as Keep Britain Tidy’s reflective litter campaign and Medway Council’s cigarette butt bin scheme have proven efficacy.[111][112]

After the Litter Innovation Fund has been evaluated to demonstrate efficacy and value for money, it should be committed to on a long-term basis with local authorities and third parties allowed to bid for grants annually. This policy would encourage and assist local authorities in meeting their local littering reduction ambitions and encourage the development of new ideas to reduce littering behaviour.

Educational

Recommendation five: Establish a Litter Intelligence Programme within the NCS so young people can become UK ‘Citizen Scientists’

The National Citizen Service (NCS) is a government-sponsored voluntary initiative for 16-17 year olds where they engage with a range of extracurricular activities that include outdoor team-building exercises, independent living, and social action projects. Currently, the scheme offers placements during school holidays in spring, summer and autumn.[113] In a previous report, Distant Neighbours, Bright Blue recommended that all state school students should participate in at least one week of NCS during term time in Year 9 or Year 10.[114]

During the second week of the scheme the children “design and implement a social action project which will have a long-lasting impact in the local community.”[115] While litter collection is already an option, the NCS should create a more formalised Litter Intelligence Programme mimicking that of New Zealand’s during the second week of the programme for student groups who choose litter collection as their social action.

The groups of students who choose to participate in this programme route in the NCS will be given a local area to adopt and then trained on how to collect data on litter. Once students have completed this one week course they can become labelled as Citizen Scientists or equivalent based on the level of training they received. Additionally, the data collection aspect of the training can be put on both their CVs, university applications, and if the scheme is successful form an additional source of litter data for national analysis.

Conclusion

Fly-tipping and littering continues to cause economic, environmental and social damage to communities across the country. With fly-tipping incidents rising over the past three years and reports of littering increasing, it is clear that public policy needs to do more in order to tackle this serious problem.

The policy recommendations above, or ones proposed by Bright Blue previously, are not exhaustive and will not end fly-tipping and littering. But by acting on these recommendations, government can play its part in reducing the level of fly-tipping and littering, creating a robust policy framework upon which to build on in the future. 

Authors

Patrick Hall, Rebecca Foster, Joshua Marks and Shrishti Kajaria

Acknowledgments

This report has been made possible with the generous support of the John Ellerman Foundation. The views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of the sponsor. We would like to thank Sam Hall and Kitty Thompson for peer reviewing this report. We would also like to thank Ryan Shorthouse for his editing and feedback.

Footnotes

[1] Patrick Hall, “Nature positive? Public attitudes towards the natural environment”, Bright Blue, http://www.brightblue.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/Nature-positive.pdf (2021), 33.
[2] Ibid,76.
[3] Patrick Hall and William Nicolle, “Global green giant? A policy story”, Bright Blue, http://brightblue.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Global-green-giant-a-policy-story.pdf (2020), 29-30.
[4] Bright Blue, “Littering petition”, http://green.brightblue.org.uk/littering-petition (2021).
[5] GOV UK, “The Controlled Waste Regulations 1992”, https://www.legislation.gov.uk/uksi/1992/588/contents/made (1992).
[6] Louise Smith, “Fly-tipping – the illegal dumping of waste”, House of Commons Library, https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/research-briefings/sn05672/ (2021).
[7] Sara Priestley, “Litter: key trends, policy and legislation”, House of Commons Library, https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/research-briefings/sn06984/ (2017).
[8] United Nations Environment Programme, “Plastic planet: How tiny plastic particles are polluting our soil”, https://www.unep.org/news-and-stories/story/plastic-planet-how-tiny-plastic-particles-are-polluting-our-soil#:~:text=Chlorinated%20plastic%20can%20release%20harmful,species%20that%20drink%20the%20water l (2018).
[9] Ibid.
[10] RSPCA, “How littering affects animals”, https://www.rspca.org.uk/adviceandwelfare/litter (2021).
[11] Macquarie University, “It’s not just fish, plastic pollution harms the bacteria that help us breathe”, https://www.eurekalert.org/pub_releases/2019-05/mu-inj051219.php (2019).
[12] Annie Gouk, “The true cost of litter and fly-tipping in England”, https://www.inyourarea.co.uk/news/the-true-cost-of-litter-and-fly-tipping-in-england/ (2020).
[13] Estimates for clearance costs of other sizes of fly-tipping are unavailable.
[14] Department for Environment, Food & Rural Affairs, “Fly-tipping and littering statistics for England, 2020 to 2021”, https://www.gov.uk/government/statistics/fly-tipping-in-england/fly-tipping-statistics-for-england-2020-to-2021 (2021).
[15] Keep Britain Tidy, “How clean is England? The Local Environmental Quality Survey of England 2014/15”, https://www.keepbritaintidy.org/sites/default/files/resources/KBT_How_Clean_Is_England_LEQSE_Report_2015.pdf (2015), 36.
[16] British Pest Control Association, “PestAware the pest control blog from BPCA” https://bpca.org.uk/Pest-Aware/pest-awareness-week-kicks-off-with-war-on-litter-to-tackle-rodent-numbers/194769 (2018).
[17] Zero Waste Scotland, “Litter and flytipping – the costs and the consequences” https://www.zerowastescotland.org.uk/litter-flytipping/impacts (2022)
[18] Gov.uk, “Levelling Up the United Kingdom”, https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/1052706/Levelling_Up_WP_HRES.pdf (2022)
[19] Fiona Harvey, “Fly-tipping in England increases during Covid pandemic”, The Guardian,  https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2021/dec/08/fly-tipping-in-england-increases-during-covid-pandemic (2021)
[20] Figures are presented by tax year – e.g. 2019-20 refers to the period April 2019 to March 2020. Due to methodological changes, data from 2018-19 onwards is not comparable with earlier years.
21] ChronicleLive, “Incidents of fly-tipping soared in the North East during the pandemic”, https://www.chroniclelive.co.uk/news/north-east-news/flytipping-soar-north-east-pandemic-22876153 (2022).
[22] ‘Other unidentifiable’ was the most prevalent form of fly-tipped waste after household waste, but cannot be categorised.
[23] Keep Britain Tidy, “Littering Monitoring” https://www.keepbritaintidy.org/sites/default/files/resource/KBT17_Policy_Position_Litter_Monitoring.pdf (2016), 1-2.
[24] Keep Britain Tidy, “Litter in England: The local environmental quality survey of England 2019/20”, https://www.keepbritaintidy.org/sites/default/files/resource/National%20Litter%20Survey%20How%20Clean%20is%20England%20Leaflet%202019%202020.pdf (2020).
[25] Alistair MacQueen, “Britain in midst of ‘litter crisis’ according to latest data”, iNewshttps://inews.co.uk/news/britain-in-litter-crisis-1055667, 2021.
[26] Keep Britain Tidy, “Litter in England: The local environmental quality survey of England 2019/20”, https://www.keepbritaintidy.org/sites/default/files/resource/National%20Litter%20Survey%20How%20Clean%20is%20England%20Leaflet%202019%202020.pdf (2020).
[27] Keep Britain Tidy, “Littering in England: the local environmental quality survey of England”, https://www.keepbritaintidy.org/sites/default/files/resource/National%20Litter%20Survey%20201718_0.pdf (2017/18), 1-7.
[28] Department for Environment, Food & Rural Affairs, “Government explores next steps to clean up tobacco litter in England”, https://www.gov.uk/government/news/government-explores-next-steps-to-clean-up-tobacco-litter-in-england (2021)
[29] Clean Up Britain and DecTec, “Cigarette butt littering research: report summary” (2021), 3-4.
[30] Ibid,13.
[31] Ibid.
[32] Campaign to Protect Rural England, “Three in four people report rise in PPE litter since coronavirus”, https://www.cpre.org.uk/about-us/cpre-media/rise-in-ppe-litter-since-coronavirus/ (2020).
[33] UK data based on unpublished Savanta ComRes polling commissioned by Bright Blue.
[34] Ibid., 17-32.
[35] Paul Bonarrigo et al., “Using Behaviour-Change Strategies to Reduce Littering in Lambeth” https://cpb-us-w2.wpmucdn.com/wp.wpi.edu/dist/2/96/files/2020/03/Lambeth-Final-Presentation.pdf (2020), 7-8.
[36] Social Engine, “Reducing littering in the New Forest: A behavioural insight project”
https://local.gov.uk/sites/default/files/documents/Final%20Report%20050121.pdf (2020), 2-3.
[37] Ibid., 37.
[38] Conserve Energy Future, “What is Littering?” https://www.conserve-energy-future.com/causes-problems-solutions-littering.php (2021).
[39] Fenland District Council, “Bulky Waste”,  https://fenland.gov.uk/bulkywaste (2021).
[40] Medway Council, “Book a large or bulky item collection”, https://www.medway.gov.uk/info/200132/waste_and_recycling/71/book_a_large_or_bulky_item_collection (2022).
[41] Blackpool Council, “Collection of bulky items”, https://www.blackpool.gov.uk/Residents/Waste-and-recycling/Collection-of-bulky-items/Collection-of-bulky-items.aspx (2022).
[42] Buckinghamshire Council, “Full list of non-household waste charges”, https://www.buckscc.gov.uk/services/waste-and-recycling/household-recycling-centres/charges-for-non-household-waste/full-list-of-non-household-waste-charges/ (2021).
[43] West London Waste, “Charges at household re-use and recycling centres”, https://westlondonwaste.gov.uk/recycling-sites/hrrc-charges-your-questions-answered/ (2022).
[44] Patrick Hall and William Nicolle, “Global green giant? A policy story”, Bright Blue, http://brightblue.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Global-green-giant-a-policy-story.pdf (2020), 30
[45] Department for Business, Energy & Industrial Strategy, “Government announces new crackdown on fly-tipping”, https://www.gov.uk/government/news/government-announces-new-crackdown-on-fly-tipping (2022).
[46] Damian Carrington, “Littering unpunished by many councils in England and Wales”, The Guardian, 27 Aug, 2020.
[47] Alex Thomson, “The private company failing to tame epidemic of litter on our motorways,” Channel 4 News, https://www.channel4.com/news/the-private-company-failing-to-tame-epidemic-of-litter-on-our-motorways, 2020.
[48] National Audit Office, “PFI and PF2”, https://www.nao.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/PFI-and-PF2.pdf (2018), 40.
[49] Street Litter Control Notices gave councils the power to require businesses or individuals to clear litter from around their premises and take steps to prevent future littering. On the other hand, Litter Abatement Notice enables the Principal litter authorities to take action where a duty body is not keeping its relevant land clear of litter and refuse. Courts can also fine the littering authority with £2,500 charges and subsequent increase of £125 for each day after conviction. Similarly, Principal litter authorities also have the power to issue Litter Clearing Notices when land in their area is littered and detrimental to the amenity of that area. This notice can be used for most types of land and is thus a tool to tackle little on private land which might be blown towards public areas. Authorities also have the right to clean the litter themselves and then recover the cost from the occupier or owner of the land.
[50]GOV UK, “Anti-social Behaviour, Crime and Policing Act 2014” https://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2014/12/contents/enacted (2014).
[51] GOV UK, “Environmental Protection Act 1990” https://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1990/43/section/33 (1990).
[52] Ibid.
[53] Insight Security, “Large=Scale Fly-Tipping On The Rise”, https://www.insight-security.com/large-scale-fly-tipping-on-the-rise (2020)
[54] Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, “Carrier bags: why there’s a charge”, https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/single-use-plastic-carrier-bags-why-were-introducing-the-charge/carrier-bags-why-theres-a-5p-charge (2021).
[55] Ibid.
[56] Patrick Hall and William Nicolle, “Global green giant? A policy story”, Bright Blue, http://brightblue.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Global-green-giant-a-policy-story.pdf (2020), 27
[57] House of Common Library, “Single use plastic: How do bans differ across the UK and EU?”, https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/single-use-plastic-how-do-bans-differ-across-the-uk-and-eu/ (2022).
[58] Department for Environment, Food & Rural Affairs, “Straws, cotton buds and drink stirrers ban: rules for businesses in England”, https://www.gov.uk/guidance/straws-cotton-buds-and-drink-stirrers-ban-rules-for-businesses-in-england (2020).
[59] Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, “Consultation on proposals to ban commonly littered single-use plastic items in England”, https://consult.defra.gov.uk/environmental-quality/consultation-on-proposals-to-ban-commonly-littered/  (2021).
[60] Timo Herberz 1, Claire Y. Barlow, and Matthias Finkbeiner, “Sustainability Assessment of a Single-Use Plastics Ban”, https://d-nb.info/1222099179/34 (2020).
[61] Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, “Packaging and packaging waste: introducing Extended Producer Responsibility”, https://www.gov.uk/government/consultations/packaging-and-packaging-waste-introducing-extended-producer-responsibility (2022).
[62] Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, “Mandatory digital waste tracking”, https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/digital-waste-tracking-service/mandatory-digital-waste-tracking (2022).
[63] Campaign to Protect Rural England, “What is litter?”, https://www.cpre.org.uk/what-we-care-about/better-places-to-live/cleaner-countryside/litter-and-the-law/what-is-litter/ (2020).
[64] Campaign to Protect Rural England, “Litter Law England and Wales”
https://www.cpre.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/CPRE-Litter-Law-Report.pdf (2020), 4-5.
[65] Ibid.
[66]  Patrick Hall and William Nicolle, “Global green giant? A policy story”, Bright Blue, http://brightblue.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Global-green-giant-a-policy-story.pdf (2020), 29
[67] Carrington, “Littering unpunished by many councils in England and Wales”, The Guardian, 2020.
[68] Keep Britain Tidy, “The Effectiveness of Enforcement on Behaviour Change”, https://www.ipsos.com/sites/default/files/publication/1970-01/sri-manchester-effectivness-of-enforcement-kbt-2011.pdf (2011), 7-10.
[69] GOV UK, “Anti-Social Behaviour, Crime and Policing Act 2014”, https://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2014/12/notes/division/5/4 (2014).
[70] DEFRA, the official body responsible for collecting data on fly-tipping, changed its data collection methodology in 2018 due to which data from previous years is not comparable.
[71] GOV UK, “ENV24 – Fly Tipping Incidents And Actions Taken In England”, https://www.gov.uk/government/statistical-data-sets/env24-fly-tipping-incidents-and-actions-taken-in-england (2021).
[72]  Keep Britain Tidy, “Litter innovation fund (LIF)”, https://www.keepbritaintidy.org/sites/default/files/resources/KBT_260219_Reflective-Littering-Innovation_Defra-LIF.pdf (2019).
[73] Ibid.
[74] Medway Council, “Litter innovation fund (LIF)”, https://www.medway.gov.uk/download/downloads/id/4299/lif_final_report_final_jun19.pdf (2019).
[75] Biffa, “Deposit Return Scheme (DRS)”, https://www.biffa.co.uk/deposit-return-scheme (2022).
[76] Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, “Government announces new crackdown on fly-tipping”, https://www.gov.uk/government/news/government-announces-new-crackdown-on-fly-tipping (2022).
[77] Oliver Nicholls, “Keep it, bin it”, Civil Service, https://civilservice.blog.gov.uk/2020/02/06/keep-it-bin-it-working-to-discourage-young-people-from-littering/ (2020).
[78]Keep Britain Tidy, “Keep It, Bin It”, https://www.keepbritaintidy.org/keep-it-bin-it (2021).
[79] Department for Environment, Food & Rural Affairs, “Devastating impact on nature highlighted in new campaign to fight litter”, https://www.gov.uk/government/news/devastating-impact-on-nature-highlighted-in-new-campaign-to-fight-litter (2018).
[80] Don’t Mess with Texas, “Don’t Mess with Texas – The Campaign”,  https://www.dontmesswithtexas.org/the-campaign/ (2022).
[81] Zero Waste Scotland, “Some of the Best Litter Prevention Campaigns from Around the World”, https://www.zerowastescotland.org.uk/litter-flytipping/top-campaigns.
[82] Aseniya Dimitrova, “Prague introduces smart bins to save energy and money”, The Mayor, https://www.themayor.eu/en/a/view/prague-introduces-smart-bins-to-save-energy-and-money-3527, (2021).
[83] Monika Dimitrova, “Smart bins reduce waste collection by up to 85%”, The Mayor, https://www.themayor.eu/en/a/view/smart-bins-reduce-waste-collection-by-up-to-85-1879 (2021).
[84]  Aseniya Dimitrova, “Malta uses Internet of Things technology to monitor smart bins”, The Mayor, https://www.themayor.eu/en/a/view/malta-uses-internet-of-things-technology-to-monitor-smart-bins-2827 (2021).
[85]  Ibid.
[86]  Alliance to End Plastic Waste, “The countries who have built a culture of cleanups”, https://endplasticwaste.org/en/our-stories/the-countries-who-have-built-a-culture-of-cleanups#:~:text=Singapore%20is%20known%20for%20having,punishments%20such%20as%20community%20cleaning (2021).
[87]  National Environment Agency, “Enforcement for littering offences increased by almost 22 per cent in 2018”, https://www.nea.gov.sg/media/news/news/index/enforcement-for-littering-offences-increased-by-almost-22-per-cent-in-2018 (2019).
[88] Djulia Montana De Veyra, “Singapore: laws to know before you go”, https://www.goabroad.com/articles/study-abroad/singapore-laws-to-know-before-you-go#:~:text=Littering,candy%20wrappers%20are%20fined%20%24300 (2021).
[89]  National Environment Agency, “Enforcement for littering offences increased by almost 22 per cent in 2018”, https://www.nea.gov.sg/media/news/news/index/enforcement-for-littering-offences-increased-by-almost-22-per-cent-in-2018 (2019).
[90] Alicia Tan, “Singapore has thousands of litterbug catching cameras”, Mashable (2016).
[91] Cheryl Lin, “More than 1,000 enforcement actions taken against high-rise litterbugs last year”, Channels News Asia, 2 February 2021.
[92] Ibid.
[93] Singapore Statutes Online, “Regulation of imports and exports act”, https://sso.agc.gov.sg/SL/272A-RG4 (1999).
[94] Djulia Montana De Veyra, “Singapore: laws to know before you go”, https://www.goabroad.com/articles/study-abroad/singapore-laws-to-know-before-you-go#:~:text=Littering,candy%20wrappers%20are%20fined%20%24300 (2021).
[95] Naren Kashyap and Mary Rani Thomas, “3-Rev7 in Singapore- Case Study Editor”, https://www.researchgate.net/publication/333446623_3-Rev7_in_Singapore-_Case_Study_Editor, (2019)
[96] Clean Europe Network, “Nudging: from Denmark with love”, https://cleaneuropenetwork.eu/en/blog/nudging-from-denmark-with-love/agf/, (2016).
[97] Ibid.
[98] Ibid.
[99] Keep Australia Beautiful is a non public body but is partnered with the Australian Government
[100] Keep Australia Beautiful, “Community Towns” https://kab.org.au/beechworth-crowned-australias-most-sustainable-community/ (2022).
[101] The Commonwealth, Clean Ocean Alliance “ Litter Intelligence Programme, New Zealand”, https://thecommonwealth.org/case-study/case-study-litter-intelligence-programme-new-zealand-going (2020).
[102] Ibid.
[103] Ibid.
[104] Patrick Hall and William Nicolle, “Global green giant? A policy story”, Bright Blue, http://brightblue.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Global-green-giant-a-policy-story.pdf (2020)
[105] Damian Carrington, “Littering unpunished by many councils in England and Wales”, The Guardian, 27 Aug, 2020.
[106] Manifesto Club, “Corruption of punishment: over 200,000 litter fines issued by private security guards in 2018”, https://manifestoclub.info/corruption-of-punishment-over-200000-litter-fines-issued-by-private-security-guards-in-2018/ (2019).
[107] Ibid.
[108] National Highways, “Highways England: Operational metrics manual”, https://nationalhighways.co.uk/media/5isknpuq/ris2-operational-metrics-manual-july-2021-1.pdf (2021).
[109] Cancer Research UK, “Risks and causes” https://www.cancerresearchuk.org/about-cancer/mesothelioma/risks-causes (2022).
[110] WRAP, “Litter Innovation Fund”, https://wrap.org.uk/what-we-do/our-services/grants-and-investments/litter-innovation-fund (2022).
[111] Keep Britain Tidy, “Litter innovation fund (LIF)”, https://www.keepbritaintidy.org/sites/default/files/resources/KBT_260219_Reflective-Littering-Innovation_Defra-LIF.pdf (2019).
[112] Medway Council, “Litter innovation fund (LIF)”, https://www.medway.gov.uk/download/downloads/id/4299/lif_final_report_final_jun19.pdf (2019).
[113] National Citizen Service, “Your questions answered”, https://wearencs.com/faqs (2022).
[114] Bright Blue, “Distant neighbours? Understanding and measuring social integration in England”, http://brightblue.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/Distant_Neighbours_Final.pdf (2019).
[115] Bright Blue request for information from NCS support line.

Andrius Urbelis: The government must act to reform commonhold in England

By Centre Write, Energy & Environment, Housing & Homelessness, Politics, Towns & Devolution

In 2002 the government was presented with a once-in-a-century challenge. Most of the residential leases granted at the beginning of the previous century were expiring. To provide a potential solution to extending one’s lease, the Commonhold and Leasehold Reform Act 2002 was introduced along with a new form of ownership – commonhold.

Commonhold allows unit owners in multi-occupancy buildings, such as a block of flats, to be the owners of their units for an indefinite amount of time. This stands in sharp contrast to leasehold, where a tenant has only a temporary right to hold property and has to pay for extending one’s right to live in it. Essentially, leasehold is a two-party relationship between landlord and tenant, whereas commonhold ownership involves only one party that has a perpetual right to the property.

Although similar types of ownership successfully exist across Europe and the rest of the world, commonhold ownership failed to take off in the UK. As of now, only 20 properties in the country are owned as commonholds.

Apart from the failed Commonhold reform, the overall housing situation in the UK is grim. The housing crisis is arguably one of the principal medium-term problems Britain faces along with wealth inequality, the North-South divide and a warming climate. 

The nature of the problem has severe implications for the whole economy and the geographical distribution of inequalities. As a result, addressing housing inequalities is inseparable from the Conservative goal of levelling-up the economy.

The unequal regional dynamics can be illustrated by comparing house prices in greater south east England with the rest of the UK. For instance, in Chatham, between 2013 and 2018, total housing wealth increased by a total of £6.4 billion whereas in Sunderland, a city of similar size, it increased only by £600 million during the same period.

The reasons behind housing inequalities and shortages can be attributed to numerous factors. One of them is the restrictive planning system. Liz Truss has quite controversially highlighted it by stating that one million new homes have to be built on the Green Belt.

Addressing the housing crisis by allowing new developments to appear on the Green Belt seems more like treating the symptom but not the disease. It has limited capacity to solve systemic regional inequalities in the housing market and would only temporarily make the situation less pressing. 

Throughout this century house prices have gone up exponentially, especially in the past few years. Although slight correction is likely, as the cost-of-living bites and interest rates rise, the nominal drop in house prices does not mean that buying a home suddenly becomes a feasible option for everyone who needs it. 

Thus, the important thing that the Government has to keep in mind is how to solve the problem of commonhold reform without exacerbating the other problem of unaffordable housing. 

Reforming the current commonhold system cannot be ignored, as the existing framework does not allow flat-owners to be the owners of their flats. The fact that 93% of owner-occupied flats are owned through leasehold is a peculiarity of the UK property market, barely comparable to any other country in this regard. 

The Law Commission published three reports in 2020 on commonhold and leasehold reform and proposed quite drastic modifications to the current legislation. For instance, it proposes to change the requirement of unanimity when seeking to convert from leasehold to commonhold, and that the threshold for conversion would be lowered to 50% of leaseholders. Although there are questions around how to finance the conversion to commonhold when only half of the residents consent, and how democratic such processes would be, the other pertinent issue that is somewhat neglected in the Law Commission’s report is how large-scale conversion to commonhold will affect prices in the housing market. 

What is clear from the international evidence is that introducing commonhold-strata-condominium legislation can lead to the rapid redevelopment of certain city areas, a change of urban landscape and higher housing prices. This was the case in Vancouver, where the introduction of the Strata Titles Act (1966) led to the redevelopment of entire neighbourhoods, such as Fairview Slopes, where condominium towers now dominate the landscape. In Singapore, Land Titles Strata Act amendments in 1999 enabled the country to address its land scarcity problem, stimulate investment and create new housing units.

Nevertheless, in both jurisdictions commonhold legislation also had adverse consequences, such as the eviction of residents in Vancouver and skyrocketing housing prices in Singapore. When applied to the UK context, the regions that could be the most transformed by commonhold reform are the ones which have the largest concentration of leasehold properties. 

As a rule of thumb, leasehold ownership is most popular in densely populated and highly sought-after areas, such as London, where 51% of transactions are leasehold sales. If the 50% rule where only 50% of leaseholders have to consent to commonhold conversion is implemented, and large-scale conversion from leasehold to commonhold gathers pace, housing inequalities between London and more rural areas will widen. The government should reconsider the 50% threshold and recognize that moving away from leasehold to commonhold is not a solution in itself since issues around the taking care of common areas and administering the building will remain. 

Since 2017, the government has been taking the right steps to make sure that leasehold functions effectively and that leaseholders are protected from unfair ground rents. It has to continue to address unfair practices within the leasehold system, like distorted dispute resolution process, to keep both commonhold and leasehold on the table.  Making both ownership systems fully functional will enable leaseholders to have the freedom of choice to convert but should also minimise the negative repercussions that large-scale conversion could have on levelling-up and the affordability of housing. 

Andrius is currently undertaking work experience at Bright Blue. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Tetyana Kovyrina]

Sam Fankhauser: Big but not bossy

By Centre Write, Energy & Environment

In his landmark 2006 review of the economics of climate change, Lord Nicholas Stern asserted that “climate change is the greatest market failure in the world.” Market failures are a prime reason why governments intervene in the economy. It stands to reason therefore that addressing climate change will require state intervention.

Indeed, the fact that carbon emitters do not face the full environmental costs of their actions, and will therefore not curtail their carbon output without government intervention, is only one of many market imperfections, policy failures, and behavioural barriers that hold back the transition to a net zero, climate-resilient economy.

Clean technologies are unlikely to become competitive fast enough without initial support from the state. Energy users have been notoriously reluctant to adopt even straightforward efficiency measures, like loft and wall insulation. Flood protection and the creation of zero-carbon industrial clusters entails coordination problems and network effects that governments are best able to address. The list goes on.

It is difficult therefore to imagine a successful climate change strategy that does not involve a strong, proactive, and decisive state. But there are political choices. The need for climate action is apolitical, driven by science, but climate solutions are not. Climate objectives can be pursued through the policy instruments of the political right as well as the left.

The need to rapidly decarbonise power generation, for example, follows analytically from the techno-economic evaluation of different net zero pathways. But the way the power sector is decarbonised (offshore wind and nuclear rather than onshore wind), how this is incentivised (renewable subsidies and carbon prices rather than regulation) and who pays for it (electricity consumers rather than taxpayers) are political choices.

The transition to net zero is complex, and private actors look to the state for leadership and direction. They do not always get it. UK investors have been spooked repeatedly by the chopping and changing of climate policies – from feed-in tariffs to energy efficiency support. This is hugely detrimental. Tackling climate change does not just require a strong state, but a reliable and predictable one. A state which allows decision makers to plan ahead.

The role of the state will evolve as the zero-carbon transition unfolds. Carbon emissions will always be a pollutant that requires taxing or regulating, but the need to support clean technologies will abate as they become cost-competitive. Eventually, private initiative will take over and the state can retreat.

Instead, governments will face increasingly greater demands for protection against those climate risks that can no longer be avoided. The state will have to deliver more flood protection, better heatwave plans, and new phytosanitary measures against climate-related pests, and much else.

It is worth remembering that the state consists of more than just the national government. The devolved administrations and local authorities have major roles to play, both in reaching net zero and in managing climate risks. Many pertinent decisions are taken at the local level, including those related to planning, housing, and local transport. Climate change therefore requires competent local government.

A recent survey by the Climate Action Network found “strong, vibrant, and broad support” for climate action at the local level. Three out of four local authorities, from across the political spectrum, have declared a climate emergency. Many are exploring new ways of engaging with civil society, including citizens juries and local climate commissions. These new institutions are intrinsically participatory, rather than state-led. Their aim is to create broad-based coalitions for climate solutions that benefit both local communities and the environment.

Both at the national and the local level, therefore, a way forward is emerging. Climate change clearly requires a more assertive and proactive state, but not necessarily a more controlling one.

Governments have a critical role in incentivising, guiding, and coordinating the transition to net zero and climate resilience. However, their role is to encourage, not replace, private initiative. The innovation, investment, and behaviour changes that are needed to solve climate change will have to come from businesses, people, and communities.

Professor Sam Fankhauser is Professor of Climate Economics and Policy at the Smith School of Enterprise and the Environment, University of Oxford. This article first appeared in our Centre Write magazine State shifting? Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Mika Baumeister]

Edward Forman: Producing LIBs domestically is the only way to be self-sufficient

By Centre Write, Economy & Finance, Energy & Environment

Gazprom, Russia’s largest natural gas company, has once again curtailed its gas supply to Europe. The ‘gas war’ between Russia and the West, which has only continued to spiral, has had serious ramifications on Britain’s energy prices. With gas making up 41.9% of Britain’s electricity supply in June, the reduction in supply has caused energy bills to soar. 

The drastic increase in energy bills and fuel prices has led to a deteriorating cost-of-living crisis, with the average electricity bill per household forecasted to be £3,363 this January, and the cost of fuel rising 17p per litre. As Conservative leadership candidates continue to debate what we must do next, many have called for the UK to shift away from Russian gas towards domestic supplies and become more self-sufficient. 

One proposed way to reduce the UK’s reliance on Russia would be to shift towards greener energy. Not only would this be instrumental in reaching net zero targets, but would also achieve greater self-sufficiency, breaking our current reliance on Russian gas.

By ending our dependence, we will be able to see the benefits of cheaper, renewable energy. According to the Natural Resources Defence Council, electric vehicles (EV) spend on average 60% less on fuel as they avoid spiralling fuel prices. Households can also benefit from this shift to renewable energy, with the International Renewable Energy Agency reporting a 13% drop in fuel prices in 2020 thanks to the increased production of wind farms.

In order to achieve this change, there will be a huge demand for lithium-ion batteries (LIBs). These batteries are needed for the storage of energy which can be used later during on-peak times as well as providing the energy source for EVs; it is also estimated that the UK will need more than 30 million new EVs by 2050 which will also require LIBs. 

With 60 kg of lithium needed per EV battery, sourcing LIBs will be crucial. However, 77% of the world market share of LIB manufacturing is attributed to China. Therefore, we are in serious danger of shifting our reliance on Russia to China.

Although China does account for the vast majority of the LIB market share currently, its lithium reserves pale in comparison to those of Australia and the Lithium Triangle (a region of the Andes dominated by salars abundant in lithium-rich brine). Australia has nearly 4 times the annual lithium mine production of China (while only having 3 times the reserves), and the Lithium Triangle is thought to host 54% of the world’s reserves – China has about 7%.

The reason for this disparity between raw material reserves and market share in production is the Chinese government has spent up to $100bn in subsidising the production of domestic LIBs. This subsidy gave manufacturers 15,840 CNY per new EV which fulfilled the distance and price criteria. Subsequently, profit margins were improved, helping build lithium processing plants, which are vital for turning lithium ore into purer lithium carbonate and thus provided China with a dominating market share of LIBs processing plants. 

While relying on other countries to build these processing plants and outsource lithium from countries with large reserves is one option, a shift towards domestic lithium production in the UK must happen if we want to become truly self-sufficient – luckily Britain can do both mining and processing of LIBs. 

A recent study by the British Geology Survey concluded that there could be minable lithium in the St Austell Granite, Cornwall. This ore-grade lithium-mica granite could yield 3.3 million tonnes of lithium. Cornish Lithium, a mineral exploration company founded in 2016, forecasts production of around 10,000 tonnes per year. By domestically mining LIBs, we will not only be able to ensure long-term supply of LIBs, but also can cut out carbon emissions drastically. Firstly, the distance of transporting LIBs will be cut, but we also can ensure the extraction will not come through brine, ensuring we use more environmentally friendly methods.

Given enough extractable lithium ore, investment into processing plants would be reasonable, reducing production costs as shipping would not be needed whilst helping to catapult the UK to become a technological champion in the race towards net zero – most crucially, would cut the UK’s reliance on China. 

Simply put, manufacturing LIBs in the UK or elsewhere to combat the rising monopoly China has over this market will require huge investment. While this will not be the most economically viable option on a short-term basis, the need for it to become LIB independent from China is not only a wise political option, but also an environmental one. 

Edward Forman is currently undertaking work experience at Bright Blue. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: possessedphotography]

Ted Christie-Miller: Making greenwashing history

By Centre Write, Energy & Environment

Everyone should know what ‘greenwashing’ means by now. It is when a company or organisation is focused more on how they market themselves as environmentally friendly, rather than actually minimising their environmental impact.

Often, this can take the form of buying cheap and poor quality offsets while saying that you are going for net zero emissions, when in fact you are doing nothing of the sort. We urgently need to boost quality and credibility in the carbon offsetting market.

Carbon offsets are here to stay. Last year, the market for carbon offsets, the voluntary carbon market, hit the $1 billion mark and will continue to boom as net zero commitments become ever more prominent for governments and the private sector. On top of this, the Article Six agreement at COP26 was a landmark moment. It made sure that countries are able to use carbon credits to help meet their Nationally Determined Contributions and acted as a strong market signal that carbon credits will play a major role in the pursuit of net zero emissions.

Offsetting is a matter of necessity as some industries will be unable to successfully decarbonise due to technological barriers over the next three years. An obvious example of this is aviation. Even under a best case scenario, sustainable aviation fuels will only be able to reduce emissions by 70%. Electric planes will never be a viable option for medium and long-haul flights, even with advances in battery technology. Alongside less carbon intensive means of transportation, carbon offsetting is a major way for the aviation industry to improve its environmental impact in the short and medium term.

At present, however, the voluntary carbon market is opaque and untrusted. This is understandable, given that analysis by BeZero Carbon finds there is just a 27% correlation between price and quality currently in the voluntary carbon market. The ‘quality’ of a carbon credit means the likelihood that a credit actually avoids or removes a tonne of carbon from the atmosphere. Our analysis uncovered two projects which exemplified this problem: the poorer quality offset was six times the price of the better quality credit. No market should work like this.

This means that some businesses are ploughing millions of pounds into poor quality carbon offsets, which have marginal, if any, climate impact. Alongside this colossal waste of capital, these companies are undertaking huge communications campaigns telling their customers that they are carbon neutral, when they are far from it.

Businesses and policymakers need to step up to ensure transparency and quality in the market. If this doesn’t happen, this Wild West style offset market will continue to be used as a way for companies to greenwash their activity.

That is where the BeZero Carbon Market comes in. At BeZero Carbon we have created a rating methodology to rate every single carbon credit in the world using six risk factors: additionality, permanence, over-crediting, leakage, perverse incentives, and policy environment. This ratings system adds a layer of transparency to the voluntary carbon market, going beyond the binary system of credited or non-credited and creating a way to define quality.

If we can rewire the voluntary carbon market so that price and quality correlate – like any functioning marketplace – it can be a highly effective tool to catalyse capital for carbon removal, be it through planting trees or carbon removal technologies. As recent polling by BeZero Carbon and Stack Strategy found, the UK public are overwhelmingly in favour of this; 86% of people support Government investment in carbon removal and 87% are in favour of business investment in carbon removal. Instead of being a front for greenwashing, the market can become an accelerator of climate change reversal, but companies need to start taking responsibility for their actions and ensure that their offsets are of good quality.

The potential climate-positive impact of the market is seen in tech-based removals. The Swiss company Climeworks has just opened a plant in Iceland solely funded through the voluntary carbon market which sucks in 4,000 tonnes of carbon a year. Even though these credits are very expensive at over $600 a tonne, the company has experienced huge amounts of demand and they are rumoured to be sold out for many years to come.

If we pull this off, we can help reverse climate change and keep company’s feet to the fire on their net zero commitments.

Ted Christie-Miller is the Head of Carbon Removals at BeZero Carbon and a Policy Fellow at Onward. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: DOMINIKJPW]