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Alastair Russell: Helping hand – We have to assist developing countries to go green

By Centre Write, Energy & Environment, Foreign

There is no bigger issue facing the developing world than climate change. It’s existential for all of us, but people in the poorest countries are on the front line far more frequently than those of us in the Global North, with disasters, famine, and conflict significantly more likely to afflict poor countries than rich ones.

Development has historically gone hand-in-hand with increased use of fossil fuels – it only takes a passing understanding of Britain’s Industrial Revolution to understand this. Our advanced economy is built on our carbon emissions, and as we strive for net zero we must be realistic about the fact that the development of poorer countries will have an impact on the climate and environment in the same way as our own.

However, we should remain conscious of the fact that we remain greater contributors – 2016 research found that the New York State’s 19.5 million people had the same annual electricity consumption as the 791 million people in all of Sub-Saharan Africa, except South Africa. To put it on a bigger scale, the poorest 50% of countries are responsible for 14% of carbon emissions, while the richest half contribute 86%. Richer countries have contributed more to climate change, and poorer countries are bearing the brunt of it.

We need to do three things to help developing countries to tackle climate change. The first is to redouble our own efforts to reduce emissions and encourage the world’s biggest emitters to follow suit. The second is to help address the effects of climate change that developing countries are already seeing, and for which we are disproportionately responsible. The third is to support developing countries to build green economies, and to weaken the link between development and carbon emissions.

On the second point, we must acknowledge the debt owed by rich countries to poor ones. COP26 did not do enough to address the ‘loss and damage’ that climate change is inflicting on the poorest countries, and while it has moved up the agenda, the leaders of vulnerable countries left Glasgow without an answer to the question of how they will deal with the devastation that climate change is already causing them. At COP27, the issue will need to be much more prominent, and the UK must make a meaningful commitment.

To put it on a bigger scale, the poorest 50% of countries are responsible for 14% of carbon emissions, while the richest half contribute 86%

In the effort to help build green economies, the Government’s Clean Green Initiative (CGI), announced at COP26, is an important start. Foreign Secretary Liz Truss has identified green infrastructure as a priority, and it seems likely that this initiative will be the primary channel for achieving that objective. It will fund green initiatives in developing countries, and provide guarantees to development banks to encourage them to do the same.

It’s important to note the initiative’s context – a significantly reduced aid budget, scaling down Britain’s role in supporting developing countries by a third over two years. The Government’s U-turn on its commitment that climate financing will be additional to aid spending means that cuts to other aid programmes are being made to create room for the CGI within the budget, so the UK faces accusations that it is taking with one hand while it gives with the other.

Professor Stefan Dercon, who advised Dominic Raab as Foreign Secretary, has highlighted the delicate challenge of balancing green growth with the interests of the poorest people in the shorter term. He notes that many measures aimed at green growth can cause harm to the poorest people. For example, agricultural restrictions disproportionately impact the poor, whose reliance on the land for livelihoods is most acute, and energy system reforms that result in a higher consumer cost hit them hardest too.

If they are to be sustainable, consensual, and effective, initiatives such as the CGI must be poverty-sensitive and seek to improve the lives of the poorest people, as well as tackling climate change. Otherwise, we risk excluding the poorest from the green economies we seek to build. Development comes with climate costs, but we can help developing countries to reduce them if we are thoughtful about the support we offer. Moreover, we must accept that climate change is a problem of our creation, and the poorest are the worst hit, so we have a duty not only to help them emit less, but to compensate for the damage it is causing.

Alastair Russell is a Senior Public Affairs Adviser at Save the Children UK. This article first appeared in our Centre Write magazine Favourable climate? Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Pexels]

Baroness Bennett and Lord Deben: Are capitalism and climate action compatible?

By Centre Write, Energy & Environment

Dear Baroness Bennett,

When I watched the wonderful sight of 100,000 people marching through the streets of Glasgow at COP26, I longed for the different denominations of Marxists sprinkled among them to remember the ecological wilderness left by the socialist regimes that have ruled from the East German border to the South China Seas.

Nowhere has the environment been trashed as thoroughly as by the committed Left. No one understood that more clearly than Margaret Thatcher. As, following the science, she rallied fellow leaders at Rio de Janeiro to begin the fight against climate change, she also warned them that the revolutionary Left would seek to capture the cause and subvert it for their own political ends.

So it is that, despite the stark reality of their record, the misery Marxists maintain their discredited solutions as necessary to combat global heating.

Capitalism has brought out both the best and the worst in men and women. Nevertheless its towering successes in science and medicine; in the arts and architecture; and in broadening the horizons of millions upon millions of people contrasts with the bleak emptiness of the legacy of the revolutionary Left.

Capitalism does need management – not the stifling of socialist control, but the rules and regulations that make sure that we do not reinforce occupancy or allow powerful companies to protect their position

Here, in the United Kingdom, the political tradition that produced William Wilberforce and the Earl of Shaftesbury also introduced almost every major improvement in environmental legislation. It was that same faction that framed the Climate Change Act, and now has set in statute the most ambitious course to net zero carbon emissions in the entire world.

Of course there is much more to be done and no one will be more determined to ensure that ministers deliver on their commitments than me. I know too, though, that however disappointing this Government can be in so many ways, only through the power of the market can we deliver the huge economic and societal changes necessary to combat climate change.

The conversion of the financial system to accepting environmental, social, and governance criteria and sustainable development as the essence of investing has been the dramatic change of the last two years. The only thing that would stop that green investment is the extremist state control policies of the Left.

That doesn’t mean that this Government has just to sit back and let it happen. Capitalism does need management – not the stifling of socialist control, but the rules and regulations that make sure that we do not reinforce occupancy or allow powerful companies to protect their position by using their power to restrict competition or inhibit innovation.

We need tough regulation to curb the excesses of monopolies – and that means Amazon, Apple, and Facebook, as well the homegrown variety. Government has to create the conditions for green investment and sustainable growth.

The market will deliver, and it is its power alone that has the strength to bring to about the greener, cleaner, kinder world that we want.

Yours,

Lord Deben

Dear Lord Deben,

As sledgehammer used to smash down a wall is no use in building it back up again; you need an entirely different set of tools.

The pursuit of profit at the expense of all else – climate and nature, human health and wellbeing – has delivered the world we have today, with its nature in collapse and society in ferment.

Those profits today are built on massive externalised costs, from the bill for local authorities to dispose of the huge mass of Amazon packaging, to the dried-up river and trashed soil that helped produce a ‘cheap’ cotton T-shirt on the high street.

It is possible to imagine – and we need to bring in one fast – a system that ensures the real cost of the product is reflected on the price tag, but in a system where companies are legally required to put the pursuit of profit above all else, that’s tackling the symptoms of the problem, rather than its causes.

At the centre of the capitalist system is inequality. In the period known to economists as the Great Levelling, post-Second World War, the Global North saw modest declines in inequality, but since Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan, that’s gone into screaming reverse. The offering to ‘the 99%’, who haven’t got funds stashed in tax havens and can’t suck dividends from companies while loading them with debt, is that if the pie keeps getting bigger, they’ll get more crumbs, but you can’t have infinite growth on a finite planet. That’s not a statement of politics or economics, it is physics.

The offering to ‘the 99%’, who haven’t got funds stashed in tax havens and can’t suck dividends from companies while loading them with debt, is that if the pie keeps getting bigger, they’ll get more crumbs

A system in a rich country like the UK that leaves millions dependent on food banks shows that crumbs are inadequate, even at our current planet-devouring levels of consumption. This when millions are trapped in the insecurity of zero-hours contracts, insecure employment, and wages that have to be topped up by the state to meet even the most basic level of subsistence.

To tackle these multiple issues, we need human creativity, knowledge, skills, time, and energy. That’s something capitalism has been squandering at a level of profligacy close to matching our treatment of the natural world.

From schools and universities designed to produce, first factory fodder, then office drones, people have been forced into hideous working conditions, from the inhuman horror of abattoirs processing the flood of misery from factory farms, to the misery of call centres, where people are treated like robots, with which we all dread having to deal.

That model relies on ‘the boss’ deciding how people spend their time, energy, and talents. It is profoundly undemocratic, and destroys human initiative, creativity, and capacities.We need a universal basic income, that frees individuals to choose how to direct their own efforts.

As we’re seeing with the increasing use of citizens’ assemblies – like the Climate Assembly, direct, deliberative democracy delivers good decision-making. As the foundation of our economic system, that can start to deliver the kind of world we need – one where the economy serves people and the planet, instead of people serving the economy

Yours,
Baroness Bennett

Baroness Bennett is former Leader of the Green Party. Lord Deben is Chair of the Climate Change Committee. This article first appeared in our Centre Write magazine Favourable climate? Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Derrick Brutel]

Ben Margolis: Grassroots gumption – Tackling climate change will be a community-wide effort

By Centre Write, Energy & Environment

Stopping catastrophic climate change is the greatest political, social, and economic ambition humanity has ever put its mind to. The UK’s role in this is huge: it’s not just the emissions from our roads, homes, and factories to deal with, but also the emissions that we can change with our finances and global influence. It will make or break the legacy of every Prime Minister and Chancellor – including Boris Johnson and Rishi Sunak.

The transition we need to make isn’t a one-term project. While the action we take in this decisive decade will depend, in part, on our current Cabinet, climate change will require steady action from government after government. For that to be possible, that requires every one of us, from the smallest hamlet to every department of Whitehall, to pull together in the same direction.

We’re already on our way. Public concern about climate change has never been higher. Though it’s sometimes typecast as a left wing concern, environmentalism is embedded into Conservative values: after all, despite later backtracking, it was Margaret Thatcher that addressed the UN in 1989 on the “prospect of irretrievable damage to the atmosphere, to the oceans, to Earth itself”. The evidence shows that public concern is broad-based and defies party allegiances.

Across the board, the UK public is urging the Government to take the decisive action needed to bring down emissions and create the resilient, green economy of the future. For instance, a recent Ipsos MORI poll shows an overwhelming majority of the public thinks the UK should do more to tackle climate climate change.

Meanwhile, the public strongly supports a range of policy measures to reach net zero, including better integrated public transport by local government (93%), grants for heat pumps and home insulation for the least well off (77%) and raising flying costs, particularly on frequent fliers (89%).

There’s growing evidence that the public are willing to play their part in the adaptations needed to make the changes we need as a society, with almost 7 in 10 confident they will be able to make the changes in their own lives to help combat climate change.

Climate change and nature are at the heart of the things the public really care about: economic strength in a changing world; safety from extreme weather events; keeping living costs down and homes efficient; stopping future deadly pandemic viruses jumping from animals to humans; and protecting green spaces and natural beauty.

This is why people from all walks of life, teachers, nurses, pensioners, schoolchildren, and everyone in between are connecting the dots and bringing the issue of climate change to life in communities across the UK.

There’s a spirit that resonates with the UK public: rolling up our sleeves, getting our hands dirty, and putting in the hard graft to make progress and tackle the challenges before us. That is exactly what we must continue to do, to ensure that reaching net zero isn’t just something we look back on as a change we had to make, but one that we were proud to do.

There’s no better recent example than the Great Big Green Week. The Climate Coalition, the largest group of organisations and people working on climate and nature, convened a massive national event to celebrate action on climate and nature right across the UK. Over 5,000 events took place throughout a seven day period. The events drew in people from all walks of life, with almost half having never been involved in this type of activity beforehand.

This was only possible because people in the UK, no matter their political stripes, are putting their differences aside to champion a greater good. There’s been more engagement with local MPs, translating concern from the community up to the halls of Westminster. As MPs have listened to their constituents, we’ve seen a deluge of policy announcements. While they need to go further and faster, they have begun to transform the political landscape.

Following the Glasgow UN Climate Conference, it’s incumbent upon all of us to work with our neighbours, our places of worship, community halls, conservationists, teachers, gardeners, and campaigners to stop catastrophe. This is the greatest political challenge we will face in our lifetimes. Our success or failure will determine nothing less than how long and fulfilling the lives of our children, grandchildren, and future generations will be. For exactly this reason, communities across the UK will be joining together once again for the Great Big Green week in 2022, to ensure action to achieve net zero is front and centre.

Ben Margolis is the Director of the Climate Coalition. This article first appeared in our Centre Write magazine Favourable climate? Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Pexels]

Kelly Beaver: Preaching to the converted? How to sell net zero to the public

By Centre Write, Energy & Environment, Politics

Given the increasing lived experience of climate change and the focus on the scale of what we need to do to combat it, it’s not surprising that November 2021 saw the third time that the environment topped the list of national concerns in Ipsos MORI’s monthly Issues Index, reaching its highest ever score since 1988 when the index started including the environment.

The environment was seen as the top issue facing the country, ahead of the economy, the pandemic, healthcare, and education, as well as any other issue raised by Brits. Partly this reflects the media interest in COP26 hosted here in the UK, but it also reflects a trend we saw before the pandemic, where we saw rising concern about the environment before it was interrupted by the pandemic drawing attention away from all other issues.

These levels of concern are not completely unprecedented. We saw similar levels in our polling back in 2005 too, but what happened then was a narrowing of concern about climate change during the Great Recession and its aftermath.

So, what does this tell us?

It suggests that concerns about other issues can temper concern about climate change, including, of course, the economy. Is this time different? Here we are approaching two years of a global pandemic, and we’re again at that high level of concern about climate change, so could this herald a new and consistent high level of concern about the environment and climate change?

If we take as a working assumption that concern about the environment is here to stay, but can be affected by other issues, what does that mean for political support for action addressing environmental and climate change issues?

High levels of concern shows there is a bedrock of support for action, but the Government will also need to engage the public with the implications“

In work done by Ipsos MORI as part of the Climate Engagement Partnership just before COP26, we explored support for some key net zero policies. We found that there was majority support across seven of the eight policies we asked about, and even the final one, higher taxes on red meat and dairy products, had 47% support, with only 32% opposed. This fits the pattern of high levels of public concern about the environment.

But it isn’t quite as simple as that. We then asked people if they would still support that policy in the face of various lifestyle and financial trade-offs, and it often had a marked effect. Taking one policy as an example, 62% of Brits support electric vehicle subsidies initially, but support falls to 42% if the policy meant that they themselves had less choice when buying a new car. So support falls by around a third once people think about the personal impact, even though they don’t all switch into outright opposition.

That effect is compounded once people have to think about the financial implications. If you tell people that they will have to pay more to drive their car, then support for electric vehicle subsidies falls further to 34%, and this time there is a bigger impact on opposition, up to 38% compared with 24% when personal trade-offs were all people were being asked to consider.

This highlights the need for proper understanding of what the public needs to convince them to take the essential steps to achieve net zero. On the one hand, the high levels of concern shows there is a bedrock of support for action, but the Government will also need to engage the public with the implications of actual policies for individuals, and their finances, as well as the potential benefits of a green strategy, and costs of inaction. Otherwise, public support should not be taken for granted.

Addressing the climate emergency will be a huge global challenge which will cut across many facets of our everyday life both personally and professionally. It’s only by understanding that and addressing the consequent concerns that people have that we’ll begin to make progress on this critical issue. This is why Ipsos MORI’s work as part of the Climate Engagement Partnership is so important.

So, while the public may have been converted to the need for concern when it comes to the environment and tackling climate change, they still need to be taken on a journey before they are ready to join the choir.

Kelly Beaver is the Chief Executive of Ipsos MORI. This article first appeared in our Centre Write magazine Favourable climate? Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: ]

Ellie Mae O’Hagan: Leaving nobody behind

By Centre Write, Energy & Environment

Whatever our politics, there is one thing most of us can agree on: this century will be a period of immense economic and social change. Most of us acknowledge that a major contributor, perhaps the major contributor, to that change is the potential for climate breakdown if serious action isn’t urgently taken to keep global heating below 1.5°C. As UN Secretary-General António Guterres put it, we are at “code red for humanity. The alarm bells are deafening, and the evidence is irrefutable: greenhouse gas emissions from fossil fuel burning and deforestation are choking our planet and putting billions of people at immediate risk.”

It’s important to spell this out so we understand what the terms of the debate on climate change are. We are not arguing over whether we should change society or not – that is inevitable. What we are arguing over is how society will change. The do-nothing scenario virtually guarantees that future generations will grow up in a brown, overheated wasteland defined by scarce resources and authoritarian politics.

A Green New Deal offers us a chance to create something good from a reckoning with climate breakdown. It gives us an opportunity to rewild our spectacular natural world, create good, well-paid jobs for people currently working in fossil fuels, as well as our children and grandchildren, and make life more affordable and enjoyable for working people with free or low-cost public transport, cheap energy, clean air, and more green spaces.

There is another option: we could leave the transition to green energy to the free market. In some ways, that is what we are doing. As Dr Nicholas Beuret at Essex University puts it: “While campaigners will be focused on trying to close the [emissions gap], business has already stepped in to fill it.” As the hard right mediasphere of GB News, talkRADIO, and so on ridicules the net zero emissions target as a pipedream, many companies are using it as a business plan. Action – albeit vastly insufficient action – is being taken by the UK’s business community. So what’s the problem with just facilitating that? Why do we need a Green New Deal at all if the markets can do the work for us?

At CLASS we’ve been looking at what happens when there are massive changes to the economy and industry which are not organised in a way to prioritise working people. Our report Work in 2021: A Tale of Two Economies examines the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic on the labour market and the experiences of the ordinary people that comprise it. We found that the pandemic has exacerbated a set of existing inequalities that had reached crisis point, even before those first pneumonia cases were identified in Wuhan.

We already know what happens when a fossil fuel industry closes without planning for the future of the people working within it

One desk-based, middle class section of society – working predominantly in industries like finance and real estate – has sailed through the pandemic relatively financially unscathed, and even enlarging their personal savings in some cases. Another section – working in sectors like retail and hospitality – have become more precarious and more underpaid, and have been invariably forced to go to work during the height of the pandemic at great risk to their personal safety. The lives of these two groups of people have become so contrasting, that it is like they exist in different countries.

We already know what happens when a fossil fuel industry closes without planning for the future of the people working within it. Britain’s coal mining communities suffered mass unemployment and immiseration after the pits were closed. In 2019, Sheffield Hallam University found that many coal mining towns hadn’t recovered from pit closures a generation later. As more fossil fuel jobs become obsolete, we risk going through this process all over again.

Supporters of Bright Blue will have different ideas about how to organise the economy to CLASS, but what both can surely agree on is that there is a point where vast inequality becomes corrosive to politics, democracy, and the economy. In 2017, Forbes magazine published an article arguing that rising income inequality was a threat to capitalism itself.

In 2019, the Institute for Fiscal Studies released a major report arguing that rising inequality was “a threat not just to capitalism but also to our democratic system.” We’ve certainly seen this at CLASS, in the many conversations we’ve had with working class people. People express alarming resentment towards politics and political leaders, which ultimately fosters a culture of “anti-politics” – fertile ground for charlatans like Donald Trump to win elections.

What’s needed is action to transition to green energy in a planned way that prioritises resolving massive income inequality, so that our democracies, politics, and economies can remain intact. We need a Green New Deal.

Ellie Mae O’Hagan is the Director of the Centre for Labour and Social Studies (CLASS). This article first appeared in our Centre Write magazine Favourable climate? Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Pexels]

Tom Zundel: Going green, not global, to tackle rising energy prices?

By Centre Write, Energy & Environment

As we recover from the Covid-19 pandemic, the UK has been hit by a cost-of-living crisis. Nearly one in three British adults say they are now struggling to meet their financial commitments. The challenge of making ends meet is forecasted to worsen, with an increase in National Insurance tax taking effect in April and rising inflation predicted to reach over 7% this year. As such, the government has taken action to attempt to alleviate the financial stress on households. Although more thought through than Labour’s suggestions, the Government’s strategy may have missed the mark with effectively helping the most vulnerable. 

Rishi Sunak unveiled a package of measures to soothe the cost-of-living crisis. The package includes a £200 discount off of all households’ energy bills this year, and 80% of households in England receiving a £150 council tax rebate. While this is useful in alleviating the current financial squeeze felt by families, it can be said that this fails to support those most in need. 

For instance, the £200 discount has to be paid back incrementally by households from 2023, arguably postponing the issue of unaffordable energy prices rather than providing a solution. Additionally, almost half of those benefiting from the £150 council tax rebate are in the top 50% of the population. Even taken together, the measures will account for just half of the price cap rise – increasing by 54% or £693 a year. 

Currently, VAT on domestic fuel bills is charged at 5%. The out-cry for VAT to be cut on fuel was amplified by the unusual coalition of Labour Party parliamentarians and the climate-sceptic Net Zero Scrutiny Group (NZSG) on the Conservative backbenches. The argument for this is simple: the aforementioned cost-of-living crisis pushing millions into hardship, with estimates suggesting that the energy cap rise will put 6 million people into fuel poverty, almost double that of 2021. 

Removing VAT on energy bills would not solve the crisis at hand, as well as being poor value for taxpayers’ money. This is because eliminating VAT would only help ease energy bills by less than £100 for the average household whilst losing the Treasury close to £2bn a year. The issue is that cutting VAT helps everyone, even those that do not need state aid. In other words, bigger homes with greater heating requirements receive more benefit from the cut, which are homes that are often occupied by high-income families. 

More targeted measures provide greater help for hard-pressed households with a similar financial cost to the Treasury. For example, the Warm Home Discount, affects over 2 million struggling Britons, which could be more than doubled to £300 and expanded in coverage to help over 8 million for a cost to the Exchequer of around £2.5bn. This option offers a more targeted approach providing relief to families who are most vulnerable to fuel poverty.

The long-term solution to the energy cost crisis is rooted in its cause. It’s our reliance on gas, which around 23 million or 85% of homes in the UK depend on. The UK’s gas supply is sourced from foreign providers like Russia, Qatar and Norway which means that the UK’s energy security is partly in the hands of international markets. The repercussions have not only hit households, but businesses too. The 300% increase in prices over 2021 has driven energy providers out of business altogether. For example, Bulb Energy and Avro Energy supplying a combined 2.4 million households have gone bust since the energy crisis began.

On the other hand, the Government has made significant steps towards transitioning to a more secure and sustainable economy. The UK has in the last year been in the vanguard of the global fight against climate change. Hosting COP26 and setting the target of reducing emissions by over three quarters by 2035 have placed emissions reduction at the heart of Whitehall’s agenda. In 2020, 43% of the UK’s electricity came from renewable sources which is partly attributed to the breakthrough in renewable technology. The cost of solar power has fallen by over 80% in the last decade and offshore wind power has increased 715% between 2009 and 2020.

The UK has to continue expanding its energy supply and security with home-grown renewables. This is where the UK’s commitment to climate action can benefit households in the long-term, with renewable energy being cheaper to generate than purchasing and transporting foreign natural gas. This highlights how important fully embracing the green transition is to supporting living standards and avoiding volatile energy prices. Now is the best time to commit to a green energy future.

Tom is currently undertaking work experience at Bright Blue. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Pexels]

Jonathan Gullis MP: Painting the Red Wall green

By Centre Write, Energy & Environment, Towns & Devolution

Stoke-on-Trent is a textbook example of where the transition to net zero could help consolidate Conservative gains in the Red Wall. An area steeped in industrial history, associated with factories and mines, and which for decades under successive governments has been overlooked, the Staffordshire Potteries might not seem like a place where decarbonisation would be welcomed. With the Government’s plan to level up the country with a Green Industrial Revolution, however, areas like Stoke-on-Trent North, Kidsgrove, and Talke have the most to gain from net zero, as well as the most to offer.

There is an opportunity to reignite Britain’s industrial heartlands, providing well-paid jobs, local investment, and room for social mobility

Although the events in Glasgow for COP26 felt very far removed from Stokies’ everyday concerns, the Government’s policies to attract public and private investment to deliver net zero are a huge opportunity for my community. Ultimately, when people cast their vote at the next election, their key question will be – am I better off? Important factors in answering this question will be whether they have a good job, a clean and safe place to live, good transport links, and if their area has improved overall. When it’s affordable, fair, and tailored to local circumstances, net zero can meet some of these pressing needs, and resonate with industrial heartland voters like mine.

Although we still have some great companies locally, like Steelite and Churchill China, the decline of British manufacturing did not spare Stoke’s world-renowned ceramics industry. On top of this, it has had to face seemingly insurmountable logistical and commercial hurdles due to the pandemic. Its recovery was already threatened by the significant costs of materials and energy, but the international gas price spike may be the straw that breaks the camel’s back.

This would be a real tragedy for our area, which even now is so closely tied to our past as the world’s ceramics centre. Net zero represents a chance not just for a recovery, but a future for the industry which is sustainable both environmentally and economically. The kilns that are essential for our ceramics require a lot of energy for heating, usually supplied by gas.

Typically, the cost of firing these up to the necessary temperatures, sometimes above 1000°C, can reach a third of production costs. Similar energy-intensive industries tend to be based in industrial clusters, which have been supported by Government initiatives to decarbonise and transition to low-carbon technologies, such as electrification or carbon capture and storage. Ceramics needs this too. With the right support to improve energy efficiency and roll out low-carbon alternatives to gas for heating such as hydrogen or electricity, the industry’s 41,000 jobs would be future-proofed, and the UK could become a global leader in low-carbon ceramics.

Some of these technologies aren’t here yet, though, and we need immediate action if we are to save the 300-year-old ceramics industry and meet our industrial climate target of a two-thirds reduction in emissions by 2035. Removing social and environmental levies from energy bills, and funding them from general taxation instead, could deliver immediate cuts to the soaring costs of running a ceramics manufacturing business during the current gas price spike.

To enable development of these technologies and deliver our net zero target, we need a workforce that has the necessary skills. Net zero industries, like the offshore wind sector, offer opportunities for job creation and industry growth, but it won’t be possible without the right training schemes in place now. By 2030 the UK will need 170,000 more workers to qualify for jobs in these industries each year.

This jobs boom could be transformational for Red Wall areas that have historically been affected by factory closures, and been dependent on carbonintensive industries. For places like Stoke-on-Trent, the transition to a new low-carbon model could require not just new training, but extensive retraining. Government-backed ‘skills bridges’ that support retraining through targeted programmes, apprenticeships, and short-term work placements would help those who have been affected by the transition to find new work. This would complement the welcome steps the Government is already taking by including net zero and nature as priorities for local skills plans in the Skills Bill.

Linking all these benefits is the public transport that physically connects people and places. Getting this sorted will increase the number of accessible jobs, bring in investment for new businesses, and expand horizons for thousands of people. To level up public transport we have secured £29 million from the Government to improve rail and bus links across the city and are now bidding for up to £90 million under the Bus Back Better programme. Public transport is also a great example of how levelling up and net zero go hand in hand. Improving public transport will give people an affordable, low-carbon alternative to driving themselves around. With that will come better air quality, less noise pollution, and reduced congestion.

Net zero has benefits that go beyond reducing damaging carbon emissions, it offers tangible real world rewards for areas that have historically been starved of attention. With the low-carbon transition, there is an opportunity to reignite Britain’s industrial heartlands, providing well-paid jobs, local investment, and room for social mobility for millions of people.

Net zero and levelling up truly are the perfect match.

The Jonathan Gullis is currently MP for Stoke-on-Trent North and Co-Chair of the Coalfield Communities APPG. This article first appeared in our Centre Write magazine Favourable climate? Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Pexels]

Prof Jim Watson: Securing the supply, Our national resilience relies on our energy security

By Centre Write, Energy & Environment, Foreign

The security of the UK’s energy supplies has made the headlines once again in recent months. This demonstrates the fundamental importance of reliable energy sources and infrastructures for modern economies.

One of the reactions to these events has been calls to redouble our efforts to reduce our dependence on fossil fuels – and to accelerate the shift to a more sustainable economy with net zero emissions. As the Government’s Integrated Review put it: “ensuring the supply of secure, affordable and clean energy is essential to the UK’s national interests”.

The UK has already made significant progress with this transition. Since 1990, territorial emissions of greenhouse gases have been reduced by over 45%, but there is much more to do. The Government’s Net Zero Strategy sets out some detailed plans for reducing emissions further. In addition, the Government needs to ensure that the costs and benefits are distributed fairly – and that the security and resilience of our energy system is maintained or strengthened.

Fossil fuels are likely to be used in the UK for many years, even if climate action is swift and successful. Natural gas will continue to heat homes and help to balance the electricity grid and supply industry during the transition. Future price spikes will therefore continue to impact energy bills for some time.

Climate change is already changing weather patterns. Weather events such as Storm Arwen are likely to become more frequent and intense. This is not only a problem for those communities directly affected. As the Ministry of Defence puts it in their latest assessment of Global Strategic Trends, climate change means that “transport and trade routes, including key chokepoints, are likely to be disrupted affecting global markets and supply chains”.

The energy transition will also present new challenges to security and resilience. In the electricity sector, which has decarbonised the most so far, the growth of wind and solar power has been a clear success story. As the share of weather-dependent renewables continues to grow, however, the grid will need to be managed differently to balance supply and demand. This means complementing traditional strategies based on flexible power plants, which will need to be low or zero carbon, with more investment in cables to other countries, electricity storage, and incentives for flexible demand.

One of the consequences of the shift to low carbon electricity is rapidly increasing demand for important minerals. The production of many of these minerals is highly concentrated. For example, cobalt is used in batteries for electric vehicles. Mining is concentrated in the Democratic Republic of Congo – with severe environmental and social consequences. Production of so-called ‘rare earth elements’ that are used in many low carbon technologies is concentrated in China. Reserves of these materials are more widely distributed elsewhere, but it will take time to diversify production.

The energy sector is likely to integrate more digital technologies in future. If implemented carefully, this could provide a boost to decarbonisation – such as by helping to balance electricity grids. One of the downsides will be increasing vulnerability to cyber attacks. There have already been high profile examples of such attacks – for example on the Ukrainian power grid in 2015, and on the world’s biggest oil company, Saudi Aramco, in 2012.

It is tempting to think that the best solution is to hunker down, and rely on so-called ‘home grown’ sources of energy and other resources. That ignores the benefits of sharing security with other countries because they do not have all the resources they need. This is a strategy the UK has pursued since at least the early 1970s. This includes shared approaches to oil security established under the International Energy Agency and, more recently, supporting more electricity cables to neighbouring countries. It also neglects the unpredictability of specific risks to security, and the history of security risks that come from within the UK’s borders.

Given the interconnected nature of global energy systems and supply chains, a strategy that emphasises resilience of our energy infrastructures is required. It means redoubling efforts to ensure our use of energy is as efficient as possible. Upgrading the UK housing stock will require investment, but it could lead to dramatic reductions in heating bills. This will also make it much easier to shift homes to the necessary low carbon alternatives to gas and oil heating.

It means following Winston Churchill’s advice. When reflecting on the risks of shifting the Royal Navy from coal to oil, he said: “on no one quality, on no one process, on no one country, on no one route, and on no one field must we be dependent. Safety and certainty in oil lie in variety and variety alone”. This applies just as much to rare earth elements as it does to oil.

Production of so-called ‘rare earth elements’ that are used in many low carbon technologies is concentrated in China

Finally, the role of storage in our energy system also needs to be kept under review. Recent headlines have highlighted the lack of gas storage, and have questioned whether this has exacerbated the price spikes we have seen. In the net zero economy, storage is likely to take new forms. Whilst the proliferation of batteries in electric vehicles could increase resilience, larger scale storage may be required to help meet winter peaks in heating demand.

Professor Jim Watson is Professor of Energy Policy and Director of the Institute for Sustainable Resources at UCL. This article first appeared in our Centre Write magazine Favourable climate? Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Sing Kham]

Ardi Osmani: The ‘Energy Crisis’ should pave the way for renewable energy

By Centre Write, Energy & Environment

The recent ascent of energy bills in the UK is causing widespread panic and is being labelled by many as a national crisis. Prices are expected to continue to rise by as much as 50% through to Spring. This is particularly distressing for low-income households who may have to ration food and heating for the foreseeable future. There has also been a hard hit on energy providers across the UK, many of which are on the brink of bankruptcy.

The root cause of this problem is attributed to the global rise in wholesale energy prices, markedly due to the squeeze on oil and natural gas supplies that took place over the winter. The impacts are being felt across Europe and should be seen as a wake-up call to move to a more stable and sustainable energy mix over the next decade. 

This crisis offers a silver lining in the fact: it will shift focus on integrating more renewable sources of energy. Much like the Covid outbreak exposed slow government reaction and the underlying lack of attention that was being shown to preparing for pandemic responses, this upturn in living costs highlights the necessity to move to a more diverse energy mix. 

It also highlights the importance of domestic production of energy. The energy price shocks that prevail in the coming months can help push this into the public agenda and increase the urgency of adopting renewable energy in the long term.

The best way to avoid external price fluctuations affecting our domestic markets is to reduce our reliance on natural gas imports. Adoption of renewable energy sources offers a stable power supply that is not subject to global shocks. The renewable energy sector accounts for over 35% of total energy production in the UK and prices of solar and wind power are getting increasingly cheaper. There is reason to be optimistic, however much more is needed if we are to meet the government’s net-zero targets and move away from the impacts of global energy inflation. 

The UK is endowed with a variety of features that are suitable for offshore wind, nuclear and also solar energy despite Britain’s ‘terrible weather.’ We should tap into those and gain an upper hand in the race to become a global leader in renewable energy. There are certain issues with efficiency and intermittency, but these can be addressed with extensive development of storage and smart grid adoption. Nuclear energy can also be used to account for the intermittency problems of wind and solar.

The domestication of our energy production will appeal to both environmentalists on the left as well as right-wing nationalists who fear the implications of importing fossil fuels. Ongoing tensions between Russia and NATO raises concerns over whether we should be importing their natural gas supplies and whether this is damaging to our national sovereignty. Long-term domestic development will be key to avoiding confrontations or disputes over gas imports.

The energy bill crisis also warrants extensive policy response in order to help low-income households and small businesses to weather the storm. The Warm Homes Discount scheme will be important in avoiding an increase in fuel poverty and many are calling for VAT on energy bills to be scrapped. While support from the government is unequivocally needed, do these short term schemes undermine the need for more urgency in adopting a long term strategy? 

It is important that the government does not sacrifice moving to a stable energy mix in the long term for policies with the intention of gaining support from the public in the short term. Instead, both short and long term strategies should be used to help the nation emerge from the energy crisis and transition to a sustainable mix that ensures these issues do not impact us in the future.

Ardi is currently undertaking work experience at Bright Blue. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Gov.uk]

Andy White: Ending water poverty can unlock investment in climate challenges

By Centre Write, Energy & Environment

Rising energy costs has once again brought into sharp focus the precarious high-wire act that many households face when it comes to managing their finances. For those just about managing – or perhaps recovering from the financial wounds inflicted by the pandemic – a ‘bill shock’ like this could be the tipping point. 

There has long been a strong link between fuel costs and poverty but at CCW we’ve also been acutely aware of the difficulties many people face in affording water. It seems unthinkable that anyone would find themselves unable to afford this basic human need. But over the years consumers have shared with us experiences of missing meals or even rationing water use just to keep their payments affordable. These are choices no-one should have to make.

Just over a year ago we were presented with a rare opportunity to forge a new path towards ensuring no-one has to ever worry about affording their water bill. The UK and Welsh Governments asked us to lead an independent review into the existing support for households in England and Wales and how it could be strengthened. 

Working in partnership with the industry and organisations boasting a wealth of experience in utilities and poverty, our review brought to life the scale of the challenge we face. 

It revealed that while water companies had made some significant headway in supporting those unable to afford their water bill, the majority of those in crisis were still not getting the help they need. Huge variations in the funding and eligibility criteria of different water company social tariff schemes – which cap the bills of low-income households – had created a postcode lottery of help. A household facing the same financial hardship might receive a bill discount of up to 90 per cent, or nothing at all, depending on where they live.

Other obstacles also lay in the path of customers. These varied from mental and emotional barriers – including a reluctance for people to confront their own financial difficulties – to a lack of trust in utility companies. Poor communication from companies and the complexity of existing schemes often made these obstacles even harder to clear.

In May this year we tabled the findings of our review including a series of recommendations we believe can break down these barriers to help. The central plank of our plan is the creation of a single social tariff for England and Wales. This would replace the patchwork of schemes that companies have developed themselves. It would ensure no-one spends more than 5 percent of their household income – after housing costs – on water bills. Funded through either a bill cross subsidy or public expenditure, it would immediately lift 1.5 million people out of water poverty. It would also provide peace of mind and certainty for every household that they would be able to afford their water bill, even if their circumstances suddenly changed. 

Our blueprint for change is now being considered by government, with more detailed work underway to explore how the new tariff could work and be implemented. In the meantime we’re pressing forward with a wave of other recommendations tabled by our review.

Many of these changes could be swiftly rolled out, including giving customers far greater choice and flexibility over how they manage their payments. The adoption of an industry-wide approach to crisis funds and simplifying the application process that covers all support schemes would also improve access to help. 

In the longer term we want to help water companies develop ‘common branding’ for all the main support schemes to help bolster awareness and end confusion over assistance. 

Water is not just the essential through which some of us might experience poverty – it’s also the medium through which most of us will feel the impact of climate change. Droughts and flooding are becoming more commonplace. Overcoming these challenges – whether that’s making sure we stave off the threat of water shortages or the increased risk of sewer flooding – will demand substantial investment from water companies. Ultimately it will be customers that foot the bill, which brings us full circle back to the importance of ending water poverty.

With a robust plan in place to keep bills affordable for those struggling to pay, the conversation with other customers about funding greater investment in protecting our services and the environment becomes easier. That’s why tackling water poverty should be seen as part of the solution – not an obstacle – to overcoming the pressures posed by climate change. 

Andy White is a Senior Policy Manager at the Consumer Council for Water. You can read their full report here. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Number 10]