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Roni Greenfield: The Government’s Immigration Bill is not enough to stop the small boats

By Centre Write, Foreign, Human Rights & Discrimination, Immigration & Integration, Law & Justice

On the 7th of March, Prime Minister Rishi Sunak announced, in a bid to deliver one of his five pledges, new laws designed to curb illegal immigration. Sunak’s plan was simple and almost entirely based on deterrence. Standing behind a lectern with the words “stop the boats’, he insisted that those who come to the country illegally will be detained and swiftly removed. “Once this happens – he continued …the boats will stop”

Now, under this new legislation, those arriving in the UK illegally will not be eligible to claim asylum and will be barred for life from settling in the country. Arguably, these proposals focus disproportionately on disincentivising illegal crossings, rather than providing viable, safe and legal alternatives.

These policies have largely been developed as a response to public concern about the worsening illegal migration crisis, with tackling illegal boat crossings ranking consistently high on the list of voters’ priorities, particularly for Conservative voters. This largely correlates to the fact that the number of people entering the UK illegally in small boats has more than quadrupled in the last two years, reaching over 45,000 in 2022. 

In his speech, the PM emphasised a division between these ‘illegal’ migrants and those who use legal routes. However, his speech did not acknowledge that the UK lacks safe and legal routes for those not covered by existing resettlement schemes. There is no specific visa for asylum seekers, and coming into the country without a visa constitutes an offence under the Nationalities and Border Act 2022.  Moreover, there are no provisions in place to claim asylum from outside the UK either. As a result, the only way one may claim asylum in the UK is by using illegal, and often dangerous, routes. Therefore, if we want migrants to come to the UK through safe and legal routes, then we need to create them. 

The Government has previously been urged to introduce a “humanitarian visa” for asylum seekers, a system that has also been employed in France. Under this proposal, those at risk of persecution in their home country, or country of residence would be eligible to apply for an asylum visa to come to the UK legally, and apply for asylum here.

This, however, does not represent a proper solution to the problem. Firstly, officials would be required to process an application based on the likelihood of the success of an asylum claim of the visa applicant. This would add another layer to an already complicated procedure, requiring asylum seekers to effectively apply twice – once for the visa, and once when they have arrived in the UK. Additionally, those whose visa application is rejected may still attempt to reach the UK illegally, using dangerous routes to apply for asylum on British soil. Thus, this proposal may likely reduce the number of those crossing the channel somewhat but would be a tactical rather than a strategic solution. 

Instead, changing the law to allow asylum applications from outside of the UK in their entirety would be a more pragmatic response. Under this process, applications could be set up online and would be accessible from anywhere in the world. While concerns have been raised that making asylum applications accessible universally could overwhelm the processing system,  this can be mitigated by limiting the territories from which asylum can be claimed remotely, for example to Belgium and France. 

This policy should be implemented in combination with an expansion of the UK’s processing capacity and, therefore, substantive additional funding. This would not be unprecedented – Germany rapidly expanded its processing capacity during the 2015 Migrant Crisis and in 2022 processed almost 4 times as many claims as Britain did.

Additionally, funding for programs dedicated to preventative measures can likely be re-directed away from reactive policies if the number of illegal crossings drops substantially as a result of the implementation of legal routes. For example, the UK has committed to paying France £480 million over 3 years to tackle small boat crossings through the use of enhanced patrols, drones, and a detention centre – reducing the number of attempts by creating alternative legal routes would allow to re-allocate a proportion of this funding over the next decade.

Introducing provisions for processing asylum claims from outside the UK would also allow the government to save money on housing current applicants and help to finally clear the growing backlog of unresolved cases. The UK currently spends over 6 million pounds a day on housing for refugees – a number that can be greatly reduced if more applications are processed outside of the country. 

Additionally, joint physical processing centres that would be located in France have been proposed as another possible solution. Moreover, French officials have indicated a willingness to consider opening these centres for processing asylum requests in northern France and around the major ports on France’s coast. These would allow British officials to process claims on French soil, reducing the incentives for prospective claimants to attempt an illegal and dangerous crossing of the Channel.

Measures announced in Sunak’s Illegal Immigration Bill may well be a core element of a wider strategy to combat illegal migration but, in isolation, are not enough. Only the introduction of sufficient safe and legal means by which prospective seekers can apply for asylum will make a meaningful contribution to reducing the number of illegal crossing attempts and ultimately, tragic deaths in the channel.

Roni Greenfield is doing work experience at Bright Blue. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Alan Austin]

Tanya Gauthier: Australia shows why the Immigration Bill will not stop the boats

By Centre Write, Foreign, Human Rights & Discrimination, Immigration & Integration, Law & Justice

Recently, the Government introduced an ‘Illegal Migration Bill’ that would detain or quickly deport all asylum seekers if they entered the UK illegally. Not only is this policy inhumane but also impractical. 

The Bill has already come under fire for being too harsh on migrants escaping dangerous situations. It also does not acknowledge the fact that many migrants do not have the means to enter the UK legally. Additionally, Home Secretary Braverman was unable to assert if the bill violated the European convention on human rights. Despite this, the Government intends to move forward with the bill. 

This policy has echoes of Australia’s harsh anti-immigration laws. Not long after the 9/11 attacks in the United States, Australia passed a policy that removed many Australian territories from its immigration zone, which resulted in immigration officials apprehending asylum-seekers and sending them to prisons in Papua New Guinea and Nauru. In the following years, the number of migrants travelling on boats to Australia increased. In response, the government removed the whole of Australia as an immigration zone and thousands of people were moved to island prisons. 

The policy was not only ineffective but also inhumane and expensive. A 2017 study found that “60% of refugees and asylum seekers [in Nauru] had suicidal thoughts, a similar proportion had moderate or severe depression, and 30% had attempted suicide, including children as young as 9.”  On average it costs AUD $471,500 a year per person (equivalent to about £260,000) and yearly costs of offshore detention are over AUD 1$ billion (£550 million). 

The UK’s proposed policy seems likely to repeat Australia’s mistakes.

First, the Government plans to build new detention centres to hold detained migrants who come across the English Channel. Currently, the UK’s detention capacity is 2,286. In 2022 alone, 45,755 migrants crossed the Channel and more than 80,000 are expected to do so this year. While the government is currently planning to convert a former RAF base in Essex and possibly one in Lincolnshire, there is no way to hold the number of migrants that are expected to cross the Channel. Far more than two detention centres would need to be built.

Second, the cost of detaining so many migrants would cost hundreds of millions of pounds, not including the construction of new detention facilities. Meanwhile the UK’s medical, industrial, and education sectors are strained and underfunded. Is it sound to pour money into a system that will detain desperate asylum seekers with the sole purpose to deport them while there are numerous on-going domestic crises?

Third, there are few concrete plans in place to deport these asylum seekers to other safe countries. Currently, the UK has partnered with Rwanda to deport asylum seekers whose claims are inadmissible. However, legal challenges have prevented a single deportation flight to Rwanda taking off since the policy was introduced. Many believe “the Rwanda policy is not compatible with fundamental human rights afforded to asylum seekers under the European convention on human rights.” Immigration law offices have questioned the suitability of Rwanda’s asylum system as well. There have also been no deals made with France or the EU since the UK left. 

While the issue of immigration must be addressed and dealt with, the UK’s new immigration policy is not practical or feasible. The government has not proposed any clear plans on how they will fund the new detention centres or where migrants will be deported or relocated to. It also fails to acknowledge the emotional and physical toll such a process would have – and in Australia, has had –  on thousands of desperate migrants. 

Tanya Gauthier is doing work experience at Bright Blue. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Aude-Andre Saturnio]

Sang-Hwa Lee: Should Britain pay ‘loss and damage’ climate reparations?

By Centre Write, Economy & Finance, Energy & Environment, Foreign

In international climate discourse, ‘loss and damage’ refers to the destructive and irreversible consequences of global warming that cannot be avoided by mitigation or adaptation. The devastation may arise from extreme weather events or more slow-onset catastrophes, such as rising sea levels, and includes both economic (damage to livelihood and property) and non-economic (loss of life, biodiversity, and cultural heritage) costs. More specifically, the term is used when discussing how to support developing countries that are particularly vulnerable to the adverse effects of climate change. It has been an area of contention for the past 30 years, pitting the Global North against the Global South. Despite this, ‘loss and damage’ has been added to the agenda for discussion at COP27 for the first time. 

Talk of ‘loss and damage’ dominated the first day of the conference and Labour was quick to back calls for such payments as ‘morally right’. Sunak echoed this language when reiterating the government’s commitment to honouring its climate finance obligations of £11.6 billion. But he maintained a studied reticence on the topic of compensation, implicitly aligning himself with Johnson’s more frank admission that Britain simply couldn’t afford it. The backlash on this issue (from those on both sides of the debate) overshadowed the Prime Minister’s announcement that the UK would also triple funding on adaptation to £1.5 billion by 2025.

Many of the countries worst-affected by climate change emit only a small proportion of the world’s carbon. Understandably, they feel angry that they must bear the brunt of the burden, which may even constitute an existential threat for many small island states. It is without question that Britain and other wealthy nations should help with global adaptation and mitigation efforts, as well as provide timely aid when disasters strike. This is both our moral duty and self-evidently in our own interest.

But those calling for ‘loss and damage’ payments do not only seek to institutionalise an insurance scheme that is wholly separate and distinct from existing conduits of climate financing and support. More problematically, they also appear to presume a right to such compensation based on the assumption that today’s wealthy nations share the collective guilt for industrialising first. As such, it has (despite Ed Miliband’s best efforts) effectively become synonymous with the controversial notion of ‘reparations’. As evinced by the quandary over slavery reparations in the US, this concept is mired in all sorts of political, moral, practical, philosophical, and legal challenges, which are only magnified when applied to climate justice. 

First, it is not at all clear that Britain has a ‘historical responsibility’ to provide reparations because of our pioneering role in the industrial revolution – a revolution that has, for all its many flaws, produced previously unimaginable riches that have improved the lives of billions of people all over the world. Playing such accounting blame games seems neither sound nor fair, and risks opening more dangerous doors (should, for example, Britain demand royalties for her early inventions and innovations?)

In addition, Britain’s cumulative emissions have long since been overtaken by other countries. It is certainly true that we have benefited from structural changes in our economy, particularly the offshoring of manufacturing, and we must not overly greenwash the carbon footprint in our supply chains. Still, other ‘developing’ countries, including China and India, emit substantially more and yet do not face the same pressure or opprobrium. 

Moreover, it is not necessary to be a climate denier to concede that the explanation behind the scale, frequency, and occurrence of adverse weather conditions is multifaceted. It should, by now, be beyond dispute that man-made global warming has made such extreme disasters more likely or more severe. Many were shocked by the severe flooding in Pakistan, which has, unsurprisingly, been a vociferous advocate of the compensation scheme. Yet it cannot be denied that Pakistan has suffered from major (and worse) floods before, nor should its alarming rate of deforestation be ignored. The country is already one of the largest recipients of UK aid, as it struggles to shore up its crumbling infrastructure and support its growing population (which has expanded over sixfold from 33 million to 235 million over the last 70 years) – all the while somehow maintaining an expensive nuclear weapons and space programme. Given all this, how exactly would the UK’s ‘loss and damage’ bill to Pakistan be calculated?

Perhaps most importantly, there would – justifiably – be significant uproar from large segments of the general population at the prospect of paying any reparations. Debt-addled Britain is anxiously bracing itself for the inevitable real-terms and actual cuts in the upcoming Autumn Statement. ‘Crisis’ seems to be the order of the day with regards to energy, education, housing, health and social care. And all this is amidst the backdrop of long-term stagnation in wages and productivity. No party – least of all the party of levelling up, of the 2019 mandate, and of one-nation Conservatism – can lecture struggling, working people about their historic ancestral sins and make them cough up reparations as atonement for their ill-gotten gains. Not unless, of course, it fancies an indefinite stint in Opposition (or worse) and wishes to incur the electorate’s wrath, nurture the most dangerous and irrational wings of extreme populism, and set the climate agenda back by a generation through a needless alienation of the public.

So what should the government do instead? If Britain has any historic obligation, it may be to channel the gusty entrepreneurial spirit of the industrial revolution into achieving net zero. This may include identifying and producing cutting-edge technology (green hydrogen, for example, is set to be a huge growth sector, promising plentiful energy and employment), as well as cutting the Gordian knot when it comes to our restrictive planning laws. We should be generous with sharing new technology with the rest of the world, while ensuring that we scrupulously honour our climate finance and aid obligations in the meantime. Finally, the government should genuinely try to persuade the nation that net zero is in their personal interest by intertwining the climate agenda with both national security and levelling up

Wealthy countries have a moral responsibility to do more and pay up. But sanctimonious rhetoric about reparations is rarely effective and often highly divisive. Tackling climate change is simply too important to be side-lined because of that. 

Sang-Hwa is currently undertaking work experience at Bright Blue. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Chris Gallagher]

William Miller: What should NATO’s approach be to the Russian-Ukraine conflict moving forward?

By Centre Write, Defence, Foreign, Politics

Despite all the sanctions that many NATO nations have imposed on Russia – including travel bans and asset freezes of individuals, bans on imports and exports of key Russian materials such as crude oil, bans on broadcasting of Russian media, a SWIFT ban which bans making or receiving international payments, and a ban on maritime transport – Vladimir Putin shows no indications that he will back down in the near future. As the Associated Press reported on July 8, Putin even made the following statement in a Kremlin Parliament meeting: “Everybody should know that largely speaking, we haven’t even yet started anything in earnest.”

‌ It appears that Putin simply doesn’t care about the toll sanctions are taking on the Russian economy, and frankly why would he? He isn’t suffering the consequences; instead, Russian citizens are. Putin is clearly determined to do whatever it takes to overwhelm Ukraine, and the economic weapons NATO is employing against Russia certainly will not stop him. The goal was for these sanctions to damage the Russian economy to the point where they would be forced into ceasing their invasion efforts in Ukraine. It certainly has done significant economic damage, but it is not making Putin second guess his decisions in Ukraine in the slightest. The fact that this has forced Russia into a debt default for the first time in over one hundred years according to NPR, yet Putin is completely disregarding it, is proof that the economic sanctions aren’t as effective as anticipated. So that then begs the question: how should NATO deal with this going forward? 

This is a very difficult question to address. Being too aggressive could lead to a third world war, but appeasing a ruthless dictator could be a horrible mistake, especially when considering what events in history have taught us. Are the United States and other NATO countries really going to allow Putin to expand the Russian empire and inflict massive amounts of damage upon innocent civilians even more so than he already has? Sitting on the sidelines as a power-hungry, anti-democratic dictator seizes control of a democratic nation completely goes against the values of the US and most NATO countries.

The Russian government is not particularly solicitous towards ensuring and protecting human rights, and that is just evident not only in their massacres of Ukrainian citizens, but also with their treatment of their own citizens. If Ukraine were to fall to Russia, the worldwide impact would put the future of the world into jeopardy. Russia would gain more power and influence, and this in turn would encourage the rise of other tyrannical governments. Since Putin grew up in the height of the Soviet Union, and served as a KGB officer, it is clear he has a desire to reinstate the areas that were once a part of the USSR; this means his invasions may not end with Ukraine. According to the Guardian and the Spectator, Countries such as Moldova, Lithuania, Slovakia, Latvia, Estonia, and Poland could all be potential targets if Russia were to overcome Ukraine. 

The bottom line is that the US and the rest of NATO need to do everything in their power to prevent this from happening. This doesn’t necessarily mean they need to join the war, but they certainly need to be more aggressive than economic sanctions and show Russia that they are willing to stand up against them especially in high stake situations such as this. The way this could be done is by giving Russia an ultimatum: if Russia chooses to continue its attacks after a given period of time, then the NATO countries will join the war. Disregarding nuclear weapons, Russia’s military is outmatched by the US’s military alone. Despite having around the same personnel, the level of military equipment the US possesses is considerably stronger than that of Russia. For reference, Russia spends $62.2 billion annually on its military, while the US spends $715 billion annually according to Forces. Additionally, the US’s Navy and Airforce is far stronger than that of Russia’s: the US has 11 aircraft carriers versus Russia’s 1, the US outnumbers Russia in Cruisers, Destroyers, and Frigates 113 to 31, the US has 416 drones while Russia has under 50, and the US has 1,574 aircrafts capable of combat compared to Russia’s 1,172. 

Additionally, if several other NATO countries would join the US and get involved, Putin would be a fool to not back down. Countries such as France, the United Kingdom, Germany, and Italy also exhibit strong military forces that together would likely intimidate Putin to the point where he would pull out of the invasion. The fear of Putin utilizing nuclear weapons is very common among NATO countries; it is a particular concern when it comes to confronting Russia in a military conflict. But Putin is well aware that any decision to fire nuclear power towards a NATO country would result in a similar response towards Russia. These nuclear threats from Russia are almost certainly bluffs. In reality, it would take a lot for Putin to come to this decision, as it is a decision that would harm him and Russia to an equal if not greater extent. There may be room for diplomacy, but with the conditions Putin initially laid out about what it would take to end this war, it seems unlikely that he would meet in the middle, especially if he felt he would win the war regardless. 

All in all, joining a war against Russia is not ideal. But, if all other options were exhausted, joining the war may have to be considered for the greater good; especially when a likely outcome of the ultimatum I mentioned previously would be Russia pulling out of the war prior to NATO countries physically getting involved.

William Miller is currently undertaking work experience at Bright Blue. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Katie Godowski]

Johnny Redford: The UK is forgetting its a soft power super-power

By Centre Write, Foreign

The merger of DFID and the FCO in 2020, an exciting prospect for uniting development and diplomacy, was shortly accompanied by the abandonment of the UK commitment, based on a UN target, to spend 0.7% of GNI on Official Development Assistance (ODA) a year later. However, due to the financial burden of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Johnson Government decided to reduce ODA spending further to 0.5% as a ‘temporary measure’. The combination of the merger and the cut, both controversial, suggests a worrying marginalisation of long-term developmental projects in favour of short-term foreign policy and security objectives – this reflects a misunderstanding of the power and the role of a ‘Global Britain’ in the 21st century. 

Not only is the UK a soft power nation, but it should, and can, aim to be a ‘soft power superpower’, as the 2021 Integrated Review put it. Soft-power is the ability to co-opt rather than coerce. It resides in the appeal and attraction of a country’s cultural and political values, as well as the legitimacy and morality of its foreign policies, as opposed to in military power. Aid, as an expression of these, bolsters a country’s soft power. 

The UK is already a world leader in this respect, but it is losing its advantage due to the prioritisation of security objectives over developmental projects. Current defence spending overshoots the NATO target of 2% of GDP (and there are hints that it will rise in the following years) whilst it is not clear when ODA spending will be restored. This prioritisation is misguided for two reasons. First, international development and aid, due to their ability to counter the influence of malign regimes (without costly military engagement), are two of the greatest security tools the UK will have going forwards. Second, such development and aid are morally valuable and necessary, particularly given the global hardships caused by COVID-19 and the invasion of Ukraine. 

Aid is a security tool because it can be used to counter malign regimes, such as China. In this way, decreasing ODA spending does not prioritise security it undermines it. In particular, aid cuts could leave a vacuum in Africa for China to step in to through the Belt and Road Initiative. China’s Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) into the region has been rapidly increasing and has more than quadrupled to over $4bn in the last two decades. While the UK may not be able to compete with the scale of China’s resources, it has a headstart due to the long-term consistency and efficacy of UK-led aid programmes. Prioritising alternative security and foreign policy objectives, based on growing trade relationships and geopolitical competition, also implies a pivot in focus to the Asia-Pacific and East Africa. The resultant decreased support in the Sahel and the Middle East will diminish the UK’s ability to combat insurgency and mass migration in these areas. 

The UK should also remain committed to aid because it is morally valuable and necessary. The DFID was one of the world’s most effective and transparent aid donors, experienced in tackling disease and dealing with poverty, agriculture, and climate change. In the wake of COVID-19 and the invasion of Ukraine, health and food security are increasingly at risk. The reduction in ODA spending will hurt low-income communities worldwide. Countering China is not just about strategy, but about norms too. If global politics is to be framed in terms of democracy vs autocracy, democracies like the UK should be perceived to be a force for good in the world. 

The Johnson Government seeks to restore ODA spending when it can be shown that, ‘on a sustainable basis’, the country is not borrowing for day-to-day spending and the ratio of underlying debt to GDP is falling. However, it is not clear what the criterion of sustainability consists of. More fundamentally, whilst fiscal constraints are understandable, pegging ODA spending to domestic economic conditions ignores the other side of the equation. Inflation, energy crises, food insecurity, and coronavirus waves makes current aid increasingly valuable, from both the security and moral perspective. Domestic conditions should not be the sole consideration. 

The UK should recognise its role as a soft power superpower and use this to inform its understanding of security, and to re-evaluate its priorities abroad. For example, aid should be used to tackle looming global food shortages. It should not allow current practices to marginalise long-term developmental projects in favour of short-term foreign policy and security objectives. In recognition of dynamic domestic and international conditions, the aid target should be made more flexible – for instance, it could be treated as a five-year average target. At the same time, to safeguard consistency and create certainty for both international partners and the FCDO itself, there should be a limit to the rate at which ODA funding can be decreased. 

A truly secure, ‘global’ Britain is one that understands its role and power in the world. Side-lining aid betrays both. 

Johnny is currently undertaking work experience at Bright Blue. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Greg Rosenke]

John Godfrey: Greening Capitalism

By Centre Write, Energy & Environment, Foreign

An ironic graffiti from Glasgow during COP26 read: “Cannae afford a carbon footprint”.

As energy prices and the cost of living soar this spring, there is a risk that consumers will be more worried about paying for the carbon footprint they already have, than about reducing it. Already last autumn, our own polling suggested consumer support in principle for decarbonisation fades away as the costs rise much beyond a solar panel or two, and while a record 300,000 electric vehicles are expected to be bought in the UK this year, that still leaves 32 million internal combustion engine cars on the road. Globally, energy and especially gas price volatility is driving emerging markets like China and India towards more, not less coal.

As a country or individual, you shouldn’t have to be rich to be green. A narrative where economic and environmental successes offset each other will never deliver success at scale, as it demands financial sacrifices which, even if they wanted to, most ordinary people can’t afford to make. Governments answerable to taxpayers know this. Carbon taxes are a good example: governments apply them sporadically under different names and at different prices – think of Vehicle Tax and Air Passenger Duty. They also know that a comprehensive, transparently-priced, and explicit Carbon Tax would work better, but they don’t know how to apply it and get re-elected.

Consumer support in principle for decarbonisation fades away as the costs rise much beyond a solar panel or two

This is where greener capitalism comes in. For the first time in Glasgow, business and finance were front and centre. Nogrowth ecological fundamentalists might not like it, but Mark Carney’s achievement in aligning $130 trillion to the slowing of global warming was a huge achievement. Just as important was the announcement that International Sustainability Reporting Standards (ISRS) will place climate reporting on a par with IFRS financial reporting and make sure greenwashing becomes as difficult and as consequential for a company as misstating its balance sheet.

Business has to lead on climate action. Governments relying on constrained taxpayers can’t foot the bill for climate change alone. There is a huge cost to climate change, but the global financial system boosted by all that quantitative easing contains more money than ever before; defined contribution and defined benefit pensions in the UK amount to around £3 trillion. The good news is that addressing climate change is not just the biggest challenge, but also the greatest investment opportunity of our lifetimes, and consumers can share in those returns.

Capitalism is driven by risk and reward – colloquially by fear and greed. The lesson of the increasingly mainstream environmental, social, and governance (ESG) investment framework is that ever more sophisticated climate risk management frameworks and metrics are influencing where capital is invested. Nobody wants to end up owning a stranded asset. This is, however, a debate with an important nuance. Achieving a just and effective climate transition requires investors to steward and support responsible companies on their journeys to net zero.

When it comes to research and development, we are great at the ‘R’ and poor at the ‘D’ – we need real focus on commercialising technology

Engagement – particularly ‘engagement with consequences’ – achieves better outcomes than knee-jerk disinvestment which can result in assets being owned by less environmentally responsible, more short-term players. Divesting is the polar opposite of stewardship, and examples are not hard to find.

Capital allocation frameworks are catching up – in part thanks to earlier government nudges, there is a healthy market for renewable power generation assets, and we have seen dramatic falls in the price of solar energy as markets have worked their magic. But there is more to do, and this is where our focus needs to be if we are to achieve not just ‘the greening of finance’ but also ‘the financing of green’, and hence better planetary outcomes. This requires government and business alignment: government’s role is setting policy and providing nudges, while the private sector can play to its strengths in delivery.

There are three broad areas where capitalism can, and should, step up – and each requires political nudges and a stable policy framework.

Firstly, identifying the right climate technologies to back, and where they need it, engaging them with government to make them investable. One prime candidate is nuclear, both large-scale replacements of the existing nuclear fleet and small nuclear plants of the sort being pioneered by RollsRoyce. Renewable generation is relatively straightforwardly financeable and the issue of intermittency is one which nuclear could solve. Safety arguments are proven, but politics gets in the way, driving climatically perverse outcomes, particularly notably in Germany – this is difficult for investors.

For the UK, with its outstanding universities and science, developing new climate-friendly technologies is a natural fit. However, when it comes to research and development, we are great at the ‘R’ and poor at the ‘D’ – we need real focus on commercialising technology and scaling it up, especially outside the ‘Golden Triangle’ of Oxford, Cambridge, and London. University spin-outs are generally sub-scale, VC is too concentrated in the South East, and regulation gets in the way of investing more institutional money in venture capital. These problems need to be addressed.

Secondly, the innovative strengths of capitalism, in particular in the UK, have to be harnessed in the interests of global climate transition. The City of London played a pioneering role in the Eurobond market 50 years ago, and the same qualities need to emerge to provide leadership in the green finance space. Investment managers looking to decarbonise portfolios need to look to London for their ‘how to’ guide, and our skills in structuring project finance, our legal system, and regulatory systems should make us the natural centre for structuring deals to finance green projects and insurance against catastrophic climate risks in emerging markets.

We can go further though. Most commentators believe that achieving net zero will require not just cutting carbon emissions to address flow, but also using both technological and nature-based solutions to sequester carbon to reduce stock of carbon dioxide. This will become increasingly important in the second half of the transition as residual emissions from hard-to-abate sectors become increasingly difficult to cut.

This explains the pivot to nature and deforestation at COP26 and is closely related to the issue of carbon trading and offsets. The UK can lead on carbon capture and storage under the North Sea, on developing viable financing mechanisms for natural solutions like peat bogs, mangrove swamps, and kelp farms, and in developing a respectable, regulated, and verifiable market in offsetting, based in London. The last of these could be the 21st Century’s equivalent of the City’s London Metal Exchange.

Tackling climate change has huge attractions, including the potential to earn good returns while helping deliver levelling up and regional growth

Thirdly, capitalism must work with government to support consumer engagement in climate, in such a way that all benefit economically as well as environmentally. Business finances electric vehicle charging systems, but investment is underpinned by the existence of a hard expiry date for new petrol and diesel cars. Investment in heat pumps is similarly backed up by deadlines for new gas boiler installation. The confidence that a market will exist in both cases makes it reasonable to expect that costs will come down as technology improves and production scales up, as it has for photovoltaic panels.

Housing retrofit is much more difficult than cars or new-build homes, but it is hugely important. Warming our homes contributes 20-25% of emissions – and most of the homes we will be living in by net zero 2050 have already been built. The Green Deal and other policy initiatives to date have not been effective: there are no nudges to tie the value of a home to its environmental performance, so large capital expenditures are linked to very long paybacks which are of limited practical use and are avoided by most home-owners. A radical solution would be to extend the nudge: tools could include differential rates of Council Tax, or given housing is taxed when it changes hands, in Stamp Duty or Inheritance Tax. These could turn it to the homeowner’s advantage to take the right steps, environmentally: a nudge which is more carrot than stick, prompting the creation of a retrofitting industry.

The ‘Can’t afford Green’ meme will grow in volume over the next few months, but as an investment theme, tackling climate change has huge attractions, including the potential to earn good returns while helping deliver levelling up and regional growth.

Capitalists are good at articulating an investment case – they need to keep doing so around climate and its ability to benefit all parts of the UK as well as investors, companies they invest in, their customers, and employees.

John Godfrey is the Corporate Affairs Director at Legal & General and former Director of the Number 10 Policy Unit. This article first appeared in our Centre Write magazine Favourable climate? Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Pixabay]

Liana Downey: A blueprint for phasing out coal in Australia

By Centre Write, Energy & Environment, Foreign

Technology and economics are shifting the energy landscape. Alongside the accelerating decarbonisation agenda of global finance, unanimous agreement to a global ‘phase-down’ of coal-fired generation at COP26 has pressured even China and India to begin to get on with it.

Australia is another big coal exporter, shipping about 80% of its thermal coal overseas. At 551 million tonnes of carbon dioxide in 2018 and rising, Australia’s six biggest mines produce more emissions than the entire domestic economy. Given the global context, there’s no denying that the industry is living on borrowed time.

The warning signs have been around for a while, with Australia’s coal-fired power stations already facing massive write-downs and early closures. Unable to compete with the plunging costs of electricity from renewable sources, these assets are increasingly losing money. Of the roughly 50,000 workers employed in coal in Australia, just over 10,000 are exposed to the immediate domestic decline.

Unfortunately, Australia’s leaders are only slowly accepting this reality after a long history of politicising regional communities, simplifying the various avenues of coal employment into a single unified mass and over-emphasising the economic dependence of the surrounding rural towns. Unsurprisingly, the issue is far more nuanced and the outlook far more optimistic than many would have us believe.

Of the roughly 50,000 workers employed in coal in Australia, just over 10,000 are exposed to the immediate domestic decline

That’s why Blueprint Institute has been hard at work mapping Australia’s coal industry in detail, and charting the best path forward, with lessons for all coal-impacted regions around the world.

Our recent report, From the ground up: A Blueprint for economic diversification in regional Australia, draws on an extensive review of what works and what doesn’t in domestic and overseas examples, to identify three critical imperatives for structural adaptation: empowering communities, renewing economies, and supporting workers.

The knowledge, networks, credibility, and on-the-ground capacity of local leadership are essential to drive productive diversification. In Australia, there are some examples of this model already at work, with the Latrobe Valley Authority (LVA) enjoying measurable success and broad local support. These outcomes have prompted domestic community groups like the Hunter Jobs Alliance to demand similar authorities for their regions.

Three years after the short-notice closure of Latrobe Valley’s 1,600MW, 53-year-old Hazelwood power station, the community-led institutional response had generated $99 million in private investment, and created more than 2,500 jobs, reducing unemployment in the Latrobe Valley below original levels. This success can and must be translated elsewhere.

That’s why we recommend empowering new local authorities to make the most of their community’s unique strengths through regular stakeholder engagement and thorough, data-driven research. In Australia, we’re suggesting local authorities receive an initial $20 million and funding drawn from 5% dividends of ongoing coal royalties. Rather than waiting until it’s too late, our research highlights the critical value of short, sharp, and early investment, a lesson that governments around the world might also heed as they seek to support their own effective transitions.

Although coal generators are losingvalue, their infrastructure doesn’t have to. Following inventive overseas examples like Becker’s data centre proposal in the United States, Australia’s AGL is already planning to convert its Liddell power station into a renewable energy hub for solar storage systems, grid-scale batteries, and a waste-to-energy facility.

To support similarly inventive plans, the Federal Government should match private investment up to $100 million per asset. The Government must also set up frameworks to help launch emerging industries. Renewable energy is the obvious priority, not to mention opportunities in critical minerals mining, carbon sequestration, and the enterprises that start-up incubators could drive.

In Australia, the proposed Hunter Renewable Energy Zone alone would bring $32 billion in private investment, 6,300 construction jobs, and 2,800 ongoing jobs to the region by 2030. Meanwhile, the Star of the South offshore wind project further demonstrates how real the opportunities for reemployment in renewables are. The project has liaised directly with Yallourn coal power station in the Latrobe Valley to connect workers to the 760 construction and 200 ongoing jobs generated.

Employers should bear as much responsibility as possible to arrange job transfers and to offer generous severance compensation, but well-designed income insurance, job search services, and retraining opportunities can be powerful short-term tools to achieve long-term reemployment outcomes. Alongside a variety of other interesting findings, Blueprint’s recent polling research, Voices from the regions, found that an average 81% of respondents favoured government-funded retraining for redundant coal workers across regions with coal assets.

By empowering communities, renewing economies, and supporting workers, any jurisdiction can successfully implement policies that are proactive, coordinated, targeted, diversified, and multiplicative. If we play this right, boldly seizing the opportunities, a new and more sustainable energy economy can offer, regional Australia, and all Australians, will be better off for it.

Liana Downey is the acting Chief Executive of the Blueprint Institute. This article first appeared in our Centre Write magazine Favourable climate? Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Pixabay]

Mary Friel: Raising our resilience – Climate-related disasters are here and we need to be ready

By Centre Write, Energy & Environment, Foreign

Every day Red Cross Red Crescent staff and volunteers around the world are out there responding to emergencies and natural disasters. Across the 192 countries we work in, their message is the same: we are seeing a clear rise in climate and weather related-emergencies, with impacts compounded by Covid-19, and felt most harshly in conflict-affected regions.

Wildfires, drought, flooding, heat waves, hurricanes; extreme weather events are happening more often, and are putting more people in danger. Red Cross research found in the last decade 83% of all disasters triggered by natural hazards were caused by extreme weather and climate-related events, and sadly have killed more than 410,000, the vast majority in low and lower middle-income countries.

We are already feeling the heat now at 1.1°C global warming. Last year alone included unprecedented heatwaves in North America, flash floods in London, Germany, and Belgium, wildfires in Southern Europe, and flooding and drought in Kenya.

As the scientific community and UN call the latest evidence from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change report a “code red for humanity” there’s no time for delay in scaling up action.

The good news is, thanks to investment in weather forecasting capability globally, we are collectively better equipped to prepare for these events today than we have ever been. We’re better able to predict the weather, we no longer have to wait until a disaster strikes, and we can take action before the impact of these hazards are felt.

One in three people are still not adequately covered by early warning systems, let alone early action plans. We can have the most amazing weather forecasting capabilities, but if the message doesn’t reach the community, come in a language they can understand, from a trusted source, in a format people know how to react to, it won’t save lives.

In areas where people are receiving early warnings, we still face the challenge of acting early. Funding commitments to act early and prearrange finance before a disaster strikes featured on the global agenda from the G7 in Cornwall to COP26 in Glasgow, but we still have some way to go to make early action the default response.

By 2050, the UK will be 50% more likely to experience hot summers, and heat-related deaths could triple, reaching around 7,000 annually

Pre-agreed funding to act swiftly before a crisis strikes is critical. Globally, less than 3% of humanitarian funding is currently available for anticipatory humanitarian action. The UK COP Presidency and UK Government are a leading proponent of acting early. The Race to Resilience and the support of the Risk Informed Early Action Partnership (REAP) will save lives linking scientific, humanitarian, and donor expertise to make a real shift and scale action for communities and people most affected by climate change.

In Bangladesh, thanks to robust early warning and early action systems, 2.4 million people were evacuated prior to Cyclone Amphan hitting. An extensive shelter network was opened and people were supported to evacuate safely by 70,000 volunteers, including from the Bangladesh Red Crescent.

The importance of building resilience and early action to new climate extremes is also crucial in the UK and across Europe, from flash floods and storms to the growing risk of heat. The Climate Change Committee identified tackling the health risks from heat as a urgent priority for government.

Extreme heat is one of the deadliest, but also one of the most hidden extreme weather hazards – a silent killer in the UK. Heatwaves are becoming more frequent, longer and more extreme. By 2050, the UK will be 50% more likely to experience hot summers, and heat-related deaths could triple, reaching around 7,000 annually.

In 2020, here in the UK, we sadly had the highest ever recorded excess deaths as a result of heat – with over 2,500 excess heat related deaths recorded in England alone. Worryingly, British Red Cross research found a significant perception gap on heat risk, with 1 in 4 people thinking the UK isn’t hot enough for a heatwave. We know older people are more at risk, but we found that over half of over 75s in the UK do not identify themselves as higher risk in hotter weather, which means they are less likely to take life saving early action.

We need the systems, plans, and finance in place to scale early warning, early action now. We need to build resilience to existing risks, shocks, and more extreme weather by harnessing the knowledge and building the capacity of local volunteers and communities most affected. As we look to COP27, 2022 will be critical year to scale up early action to safeguard against disasters.

Mary Friel is the Climate and Resilience Policy Manager, and was the COP26 Policy & Advocacy Manager, for the British Red Cross. This article first appeared in our Centre Write magazine Favourable climate? Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Pixabay]

Will Bennett: It’s time for the rubber to meet the road on national road pricing

By Centre Write, Foreign, Immigration & Integration

Among the measures announced in last month’s Spring Statement was a 5p cut to fuel duty aimed at easing the skyrocketing cost of fuel crisis. This cut won’t save the average household more than a Tesco’s meal deal per tank, but it will inflict a £5 billion puncture in the government’s coffers that will be increasingly difficult to patch. The cut is also a reminder that fuel duty is quite simply no longer fit for purpose as we transition to net zero.  

The drawbacks to introducing a fuel duty cut are clear: while the cost-of-living crisis needs urgent action, fuel duty cuts do not make a meaningful enough impact on household budgets to justify jeopardising our long-term climate ambitions. By their nature, fuel subsidies encourage consumption and therefore contradict the Government’s ambitious plans to ban the sale of new petrol and diesel engine vehicles by 2030.

Cutting fuel duty is also unfair. About 40% of the poorest households don’t own a car meaning that the cut to fuel duty relieves the SUV driving wealthy, rather than the low income households who are struggling the most. Furthermore, because electric vehicles (EVs) are exempt from fuel duty and vehicle excise taxes, those well off enough to afford the upfront cost of an EV are effectively freeriding on our public roads. Taken together, the result of this regressive fuel duty cut is that the lowest income households will end up paying a greater share of an ever-dwindling tax base. 

The problems caused by the fuel duty cut is due to be compounded by our national transition to EVs, already well underway. EV sales surged 76% in 2021, no doubt factored into the recently announced EV charging strategy which seeks to increase EV charging points ten-fold by 2030. Alarmingly, research estimates that due to the exemption of EVs from fuel and vehicle excise duty there will be a £35 billion shortfall in tax revenues before the end of the decade. 

Even as the cost-of-living crisis intensifies, the fuel duty cut is short sighted and inadequate, costing the government substantially while providing little relief to those who need it most. An obvious solution presents itself: a national road pricing scheme. 

Simply put, a national road pricing scheme is a charge for usage of the road network. In addition to reducing congestion in key areas it would ensure those who use the roads most pay the most. A national road pricing scheme can be relied upon to sustainably generate revenue for our transport infrastructure ambitions as fuel duties dry up. 

Reassuringly, the technology to facilitate a national road pricing scheme is already available. Today, insurance companies use ‘telematics’ from a black box installed in vehicles to charge motorists per mile driven. Though other options are available, this technology could be feasibly and progressively rolled out across the country in stages, with line of sight to a 2030 horizon. 

It’s not such a radical idea either, localised road pricing schemes already exist across the UK in various forms such as toll roads, congestion charges and low emissions zones. Existing larger scale road pricing schemes, such as those in Singapore and London, use a combination of number plate recognition and toll gates to charge motorists in an attempt to reduce congestion on city roads. In theory, an all-encompassing national road pricing scheme would reduce red tape and simplify the current patchwork of devolved schemes whereby rules are different whether you’re in London, Manchester or Birmingham. 

Of course, a proposal for an increased use of tracking technology would rightly raise concerns about privacy, and with trust in our institutions low, it is imperative that a robust legal framework be created to assure the public that their data will be used in a way that maintains their privacy and autonomy.

But the greatest challenge to road pricing is not technical or legal, it’s political. Successive Conservative Governments have baulked at the idea of new taxes but the consequences of inaction on the public finances are now becoming too great to ignore as fuel duty is cut once again after more than a decade of being frozen. In fact, a national road pricing scheme would not be a ‘new tax burden’ but a replacement for the inefficient, inequitable and increasingly obsolete fuel consumption tax the public is currently burdened with. 

Churchill once said “never waste a good crisis” and at its heart, our current cost-of-living crisis stems from a reliance on fossil fuels. Now, as we move towards a low carbon economy, we will have to devise new and fair ways to replace ever dwindling revenue streams drawn from fossil fuel consumption. 

The Government must now summon up the political will to begin consultations for a pilot to lay the groundwork for the introduction of a national road pricing scheme by 2030, which brings the opportunity for a greener, fairer UK, and build on our world leading reputation for ambitious policy.

Will is currently undertaking work experience at Bright Blue. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Ruiyang Zang]

Bernard Wun: Britain needs a standard refugee crisis strategy for dealing with future refugee crises

By Centre Write, Foreign, Immigration & Integration

As the war between Russia and Ukraine proceeds to the second month, the Ukrainian Refugee crisis continues to worsen. According to the United Nations’ refugee agency, more than 4 million Ukrainians, equivalent to 10% of Ukraine’s population, have escaped the terror. 

Although most of these civilians ended up in Poland, around 12,000 have been granted visas and have arrived in the UK under the Homes for Ukraine Scheme and the Ukraine Family Scheme. Welcoming though it may seem, the truth is the government has been slow and bureaucratic in handling the refugee crisis in Ukraine.

The most notable problem is that Ukrainians must be granted a visa in order to come to the UK. This has stifled the evacuation process of Ukrainians who are being caught up in endless red tape and are left with no choice but to wait in war zones in Ukraine for their visa applications to be approved. 

This has led to many Ukrainians waiting weeks for their application to be processed or travelling hundreds of kilometres within Ukraine or to neighbouring countries to submit biometric data for visa applications. Leading refugee charities are therefore urging the government to scrap visa requirements for these refugees.

The visa barrier is also not the only challenge facing Ukrainians, as once in the UK they begin seeking asylum which is not guaranteed. Without asylum granted, Ukrainians are not only in constant fear of being removed from the country someday, but the status of asylum seeker lacks certain entitlements, including an internationally recognized refugee travel document.

The government’s endless red tape which is keeping Ukrainians in danger shows why a standard system tailor-made for handling refugee crises is needed. The Ukrainian refugee crisis is unlikely to be the last one, nor is it the first time the government has failed in responding to a refugee crisis. 

For inspiration, the Government should look back to its time dealing with the Syrian refugee crisis. In 2017, they decided to offer asylum to Syrians covered by the Vulnerable Person Resettlement Programme (VPRP), which included the elderly, the disabled and victims of sexual violence and torture.

Granting asylum to Syrians covered by the VPRP freed them from the worry of being removed from the UK after five years, a period of stay which was guaranteed by their initial ‘humanitarian protection’ status. The asylum also carried entitlements like swift access to student support for those in higher education.

The VPRP would have been more effective if the list of categories of vulnerable Syrians was expanded. For instance, the list should also have included people with chronic health conditions.

In addition, the Government should not have waited until 2017 to offer asylum to Syrians covered by the VPRP. Granted that the VPRP was largely successful, the Government should set up a similar programme for vulnerable Ukrainians, grant them asylum efficiently and expand the list of categories of vulnerable people covered by the Programme to widen its eligibility. 

It is not the case that everyone who escapes from a conflict zone to the UK should be granted asylum instantly because some asylum seekers. Nevertheless, those who are eligible for refugee status should be offered the status more quickly.

To enable civilians in war zones to reach a safe haven more quickly, the UK should also waive visa requirements for people escaping from war zones in this new refugee crisis strategy. 

As long as visa requirements are in place, any pathways through which war zone civilians can come to the UK will merely be ‘managed migration route[s]’, which are ‘not suitable to use to respond to a humanitarian crisis’, as Refugee Council chief executive Enver Solomon put it.

It is noteworthy that all European countries apart from the UK have already waived visa requirements, allowing Ukrainians to enter their borders much faster. Were the UK to pride itself in being a safe haven for people fleeing war zones, the Government should ensure that the country is quickly accessible by following suit not only in this particular crisis, but also the ones to come.

The lives of people in Ukraine are dependent on the UK’s way of dealing with the Ukrainian refugee crisis. Every second delayed in improving the management of the crisis is a life destroyed. It is high time the UK not only waived visa requirements for Ukrainians and offered asylum to those who are eligible, but also established a standard system for handling future refugee crises with greater efficiency.

Bernard is currently undertaking work experience at Bright Blue. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Pexels]