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Towns & Devolution

Mikhail Korneev: A homelessness crisis is on the horizon?

By Centre Write, Economy & Finance, Housing & Homelessness, Towns & Devolution

Recent data published by the UK government reveals signs of a potential homelessness crisis in England. Sensitivity to energy price volatility may make social housing rent unaffordable.

If there is a threat of home loss, tenants are eligible for a prevention duty. These are support measures provided by local councils. According to official data on statutory homelessness in England, 1,470 social housing tenants were owed this benefit on the basis of the threat of home loss in the fourth quarter of 2021. This number more than doubled to 3,270 social housing tenants in the first quarter of 2022 before settling back to 1,810 in the next three months.

These figures may seem incremental when taking the size of the overall housing market into account. However, such a  spike in data cannot just be attributed to statistical noise. Indeed, historically, homelessness has not exhibited such fluctuations. Energy price volatility appears to be the most plausible explanation for this spike in the threat of home loss for social housing tenants. If correct, this assumption implies that a growing number of households in social housing might find themselves on the edge of homelessness as the energy crisis escalates.   

Social housing is usually seen as the last resort for financially vulnerable groups. By design, it is cheaper than private and affordable rent. While tenants are more protected in social housing, people still face the threat of eviction if the rent is not paid. If people are evicted from social housing, their only remaining options are often temporary accommodation or rough sleeping.

It is remarkable that the mentioned ‘bell shape’ spike in the threat of home loss is observed in the private sector as well. The number of people claiming benefits rises in the first quarter and falls in the second quarter of 2022. However, these changes are proportionally less significant than in the social sector. This is likely to be caused by private renters’ greater financial resilience and the availability of social housing as an alternative.

Statutory homelessness figures reveal that problems with rent payments are the primary reason for the threat of home loss. Therefore, the spike in the threat of home loss seen in the first quarter of 2022 had to be driven by factors affecting households’ finances. Such factors may include policy change, employment shifts and inflation.

There were no major, relevant government policy changes at the end of 2021 and the beginning of 2022. Unemployment was steadily declining throughout the period. There was a rise in the number of claimants of the housing component of Universal Credit in the social housing sector. However, there were no major fluctuations during that period.

The most volatile macroeconomic indicator for that period is inflation and changes in energy prices in particular. According to Ofgem, wholesale gas prices increased to a record high in the fourth quarter of 2021. The rise had been mitigated in the first quarter of 2022 before the effects of the Russian invasion of Ukraine drove the prices up again.

Because of the rise in energy prices, social landlords had to secure energy contracts under unfavourable terms. Greater energy expenditure meant higher rents and energy bills for social housing tenants. Available data indicates that market average tariffs for households rose substantially in the fourth quarter of 2021 shortly after Ofgem lifted the energy price cap.

This is consistent with the Office for National Statistics’ February publication which demonstrates that energy price increases disproportionately affect those on lower incomes. The lag in the effect arises due to time gaps between market energy price fluctuations, households’ savings drain and prevention duty claim registration. Such sensitivity would explain the decrease in prevention duty cases from April to June this year. Energy bills stabilised in the first quarter of 2022. Hence, there was less pressure on consumers’ budgets and fewer people were pushed to seek help from local councils in the second quarter of 2022. 

Overall, this provides two insights. First, households in social housing are likely to be highly sensitive to changes in energy prices. If private renters have options when rent cannot be paid, homelessness is almost the only alternative when social housing rent is unaffordable. Second, the energy crisis does not only affect individuals’ finances but also affects households with a lag. It takes time for the energy price volatility to pass on to renters’ budgets. 

As energy prices are rising way above the levels seen in the fourth quarter of 2021, local councils may now face a growing number of people on the edge of homelessness in social housing. Since the beginning of the year, Ofgem has increased the energy tariff cap twice. According to Ofgem figures, average standard variable tariffs provided by Large Legacy suppliers rose by 54% in April and most recently went up by 27% in October 2022. 

The energy price guarantee adjustments announced by the government in the Autumn Statement as well as the 7% rent increase cap for the social sector are steps towards preventing the homelessness crisis. The analysis here nonetheless suggests that social housing may require even greater attention. Since the effect of energy price increases is delayed, acting early will be the best strategy. 

Mikhail Korneev is a Research Assistant at Bright Blue. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Nick Fewings]

Mikhail Korneev: Navigating the declining housing market

By Centre Write, Economy & Finance, Housing & Homelessness, Towns & Devolution

Fourteen years since the collapse of Lehman Brothers and the implementation of austerity, the memory of the 2007-2008 global financial crisis remains vivid. The spike in mortgage rates after the announcement of Liz Truss’ mini-Budget this September would not normally constitute a major concern. However, it came at a time when house prices were already in decline and inflation was steadily rising.

As the availability of mortgages falls and mortgage rates are expected to exceed 6%, this raises some concerns over the government’s control of the situation. So far, the Bank of England remains confident in its focus on inflation targeting and rules out a repeat of the 2008 scenario as improbable. Taking the current government’s commitment to expenditure cuts into consideration, the “wait and see” approach appears a coherent option.

While a significant part of the UK economy suffered severe losses during the COVID-19 pandemic, the housing market was on the rise. Since the beginning of the pandemic, prices increased by 25% across the country. Part of this growth came from the temporary Stamp Duty cut. This trend has since reversed, with prices this June declining to May levels.

This shift can be plausibly attributed to the cost-of-living crisis and rising energy prices, both of which have put pressure on the demand for houses. As everyday spending increases, mortgage repayments have become increasingly unaffordable. Therefore, customers are less keen to purchase houses, contributing to a slowdown in demand. 

Indeed, some estimates suggest that we can expect a 10% fall in house prices over the next two years. Similar concerns are expressed by other market stakeholders and analysts, with Oxford Economics projecting a 30% collapse in house prices. A fall within the 10-30% range will not only constitute the biggest drop in house prices in fifteen years but will also come worryingly close to the 18% decline during the global financial crisis of 2007-2008. 

The government has several established fiscal policies to shore up demand in the housing market. It is worth considering the two that the Chancellor updated in his recent budget. First, house demand can be incentivised with the Stamp Duty easing. Second, the Support for Mortgage Interest scheme may help the most vulnerable to meet their mortgage repayments obligations.

The former has proven to be effective during the pandemic. The current policy that got prolonged in the Autumn Statement exempts buyers from Stamp Duty for deals under £250,000. This allows more people to afford house purchases. However, increasing the threshold further does not seem like a coherent solution to the current decline. Giving up this source of the tax revenue goes against the fiscal responsibility endorsed by the new Government.  

Under the Support for Mortgage Interest scheme (SMI), the government provides financial assistance towards interest rate payments on mortgages and house-related loans. The scheme has, however, limited capacity to influence broader economic trends. Although the Autumn Statement has relaxed eligibility restrictions, SMI is only available to those already claiming social benefits. Therefore, the scheme appears more as a measure to protect the most vulnerable during a crisis than restoring the house demand per se. 

A monetary response to the rise in house prices would be to indirectly lower mortgage rates, which are tied to the Bank of England (BoE) interest rate. Currently, as the BoE sets the interest rate higher to fight inflation, this puts upward pressure on mortgage rates. The BoE could reduce or at least freeze the interest rate. As inflation climbs higher, however, this policy is highly unlikely to materialise. 

In its report on the Financial Policy Committee meeting this October, the BoE has clearly prioritised inflation targeting over housing market stability. Although the BoE recognises the vulnerabilities of UK households’ debt, it believes that establishing control over inflation is the most comprehensive long-term solution to the current crisis. When inflation is under control, the interest rate can be decreased, pushing mortgage rates down. 

This seems justified. In comparison with the years before the global financial crisis, lenders are better capitalised and are restricted in the use of repossessions. Therefore, a sharp fall in house prices should not trigger a broader crisis. It is noteworthy that the BoE does nonetheless take the danger of a market collapse seriously. The BoE is ready to increase the countercyclical capital buffer rate for banks if the situation escalates. 

What this tells us is that the government and the BoE are constrained in their response. Both fiscal and monetary solutions conflict with broader economic objectives. The government will, therefore, likely allow house prices to decrease. The expectation is that the housing market will follow the national economy’s path and stabilise when inflation and growth are back to normal. If the government follows the situation closely and acts promptly when needed, this seems like the least worst option.

Mikhail Korneev is a Research Assistant at Bright Blue. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Jac Alexandru]

Good Things Foundation: How much does it pay to be “tech savvy” now?

By Centre Write, Coronavirus, Data & Tech, Economy & Finance, Education, Politics, Towns & Devolution

Last time we were here, we were battling the first wave of Omicron. Since then the world around us has dramatically changed: a war, an economic crisis, unprecedented political upheaval – just to name a few.

However, the undisputable role of digital remains. From accessing essential services to booking a holiday, being able to confidently and safely operate the digital world is vital. And now we have updated evidence of its economic significance too – making the case for investment into digital inclusion as a result.

Having a basic level of digital skills impacts our economy in all sorts of ways. Take productivity as an example. There is a wage premium associated with having digital skills, and employee earnings are mostly related to their productivity. Employers will therefore pay more for productive staff and benefit from their increased output. Ensuring all UK adults learn basic digital skills therefore leads to a positive macroeconomic impact for productivity, employability and earnings.

Given society’s continued digitisation, it’s unsurprising that the economic impacts of digital inclusion make for a long list – from the advantages of online retail to more easily accessing online services. Understanding the scale of these benefits should be critical for those making decisions about policy and investment, at a national, regional and local level.

That’s why Good Things Foundation – the UK’s leading digital inclusion charity – partnered with Capita and Cebr to assess the economic impact of digital inclusion, in their report The Economic Impact of Digital Inclusion in the UK launched earlier this year.

So, what does the report find? What are these so-called economic gains? 

The headline is that for every £1 invested in interventions to help digitally excluded people to build their basic digital skills, a return of £9.48 is gained throughout the economy. 

Savings to the public purse are significant. Through efficiency savings alone, the Government is estimated to benefit by £1.4 billion over the next ten years, plus £483 million in increased tax revenue. The NHS is expected to save £899 million in addition.

A proportion of working-age adults still need digital skills support to gain work or better work. Meeting this need is estimated to generate £2.7 billion for organisations through filling basic digital skills vacancies over the coming decade. Furthermore, an estimated £586 million in increased earnings, £179 million in additional earnings from finding work, and £76 million in environmental benefits.

The cross-cutting, complex nature of digital inclusion requires a co-ordinated, well-funded and holistic approach to meaningful help those most excluded and to invigorate our economy. The most challenging stretch of the country’s digital inclusion journey lies ahead, and Good Things Foundation’s new strategic offer is ready to tackle it alongside others: working across sectors on our National Databank, National Device Bank and National Digital Inclusion Network initiatives.

If we are to achieve an inclusive recovery to Covid-19, combat the cost-of-living crisis, level up and ensure everyone can make the most of the digital world – we have to comprehend the economic advantages, step up, and invest in it.

The Good Things Foundation is a charity with the goal of fixing the digital divide. . Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: John Schnobrich]

Picking up the pieces: tackling littering and fly-tipping in England

By Centre Write, Clean environment, Education, Energy & Environment, Joshua Marks, Law & Justice, Patrick Hall, Politics, Rebecca Foster, Towns & Devolution

Introduction

England is heavily littered, resulting in many detrimental economic, environmental, and social consequences.

In 2021, Bright Blue published our report Nature positive? examining in detail the UK public’s attitudes towards the state of and responsibility for the natural environment. We revealed that fly-tipping and littering is seen by the UK public as the third largest threat to the UK’s natural environment (25%), behind plastic pollution (41%) and climate change (37%).[1] A significant majority (76%) of the UK public felt that fines for littering should be higher.[2] This reflected a policy recommendation in our 2020 report, Global green giant, which called for an increase in the maximum amount for fixed penalty notices (FPNs) for littering from the current £150 to £500, with higher fines for repeat offenders, following the lead of places such as Singapore and Calgary.[3] Bright Blue then launched a petition to increase the maximum FPN for littering, backed by the Daily Express, RSPB, Clean Up Britain, and Sea Shepherd UK.[4]

This analysis builds on Bright Blue’s existing work and offers an in-depth explanation of the drivers and policies that attempt to tackle fly-tipping and littering, as defined in Box 1 below.

Box 1. Definitions of fly tipping and littering

Fly-tipping is the illegal disposal of household, industrial, commercial or other ‘controlled’   (waste that is subject to legislative control in either its handling or its disposal) waste.[5][6] Common examples of fly-tipped items include household waste, white goods, and construction materials which are usually disposed of in large quantities.

Littering, meanwhile, does not have a statutory definition but is commonly regarded as the improper discarding of materials, such as cigarette butts or drinks containers,  amounting to less than a black bag’s worth of rubbish.[7]

The analysis first identifies the leading impacts and drivers of fly-tipping and littering, and provides an overview of current government policy towards both. This analysis then looks overseas to identify effective measures used in other countries to reduce fly-tipping and littering. Finally, the analysis puts forward original policy recommendations to reduce fly-tipping and littering in England.

Since fly-tipping and litter is a devolved issue in the UK, the scope of this analysis is limited to England.

Methodology

We conducted an extensive literature review of relevant reports and surveys conducted by government, universities, and civil society organisations to identify the broad trends and drivers of the littering and fly-tipping problem in the UK. The literature review also helped us gain insights into how other countries have tackled the problem with a variety of policy approaches. 

Our thinking has also been informed by a meeting of Bright Blue’s Conservation Advisory Board and an invite-only private roundtable attended by leading decision makers from the  public, private, and third sectors.

What is the impact of fly-tipping and littering? 

Fly-tipping and littering have adverse impacts on our environment, our economy and our society.

Many commonly littered items – particularly plastics and cigarette butts – decompose very slowly, polluting soils if improperly discarded.[8] Dangerous chemicals can then be released into the surrounding soil, potentially making their way into groundwater and from there, into waterways and ecosystems.[9] This poses a significant risk to wildlife: the ingestion of discarded items can cause serious harm or death to animals, including aquatic wildlife. The Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (RSPCA) receives on average 14 calls a day in relation to animals affected by litter, with wild birds being a particularly common victim.[10] Additionally, plastic pollution from littering can disrupt the life cycle of microbes such as Prochlorococcus, a bacteria responsible for the production of 10% of global oxygen and critical for the marine food web.[11]

Fly-tipping and littering bring with them economic consequences as well. The cost to the taxpayer of cleaning up our streets is estimated to be almost £700 million a year in terms of spending by local authorities.[12] For fly-tipping specifically, the most recent figures show the cost of clearance to local authorities in England for large incidents[13] is £11.6 million a year.[14]

Research by Keep Britain Tidy, a UK environmental charity, has also found that litter is most prevalent in more deprived areas and can negatively influence local tourism and the local economy.[15] Unpleasantly, certain types of litter, particularly food waste, can attract rodents, creating pest problems for residential areas.[16] But perhaps more powerfully, litter can actually generate and reinforce negative perceptions of an area, reducing people’s enjoyment of the towns, villages, and countryside which may be their home.[17]

Indeed, the restoration of civic pride and activity in so-called left-behind areas is one of the core objectives of the Government’s Levelling Up agenda, as stated in Levelling up the United Kingdom white paper.[18] Tackling littering could well be an underestimated important step in improving civic activity and pride.

The state of fly-tipping and littering in England 

The prevalence of fly-tipping and littering in England is difficult to establish definitively. We can only illustrate the severity of fly-tipping and littering using the data that is available. This includes: the number and location of reported incidents; data from ‘sample sites’ specially selected to be geographically representative; and public perceptions.

Unlike littering, it is easier to report and track incidents of fly-tipping since it involves larger items being improperly discarded. However, there are still challenges with sourcing accurate data on its prevalence.

Incidents of fly-tipping are reported to local authorities, community organisations such as Crimestoppers and the police. Chart 1 below shows the total number of reported fly-tipping incidents to local authorities in England from 2018-19 to 2020-21, and where they occurred. Comparisons of data from the years predating 2018-19 cannot be made owing to methodological changes by Defra which took place from 2018-19 onwards. Of course, these are only incidents of fly-tipping which have been reported to local authorities and the actual number of incidents is likely to be higher than is indicated in Chart 1 below.[19]

Chart 1. Total reported incidences to local councils and land type of fly-tipping in England from 2018-19 to 2020-21[20]

Source: Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, “ENV24 – Fly tipping incidents and actions taken in England”, 2021.

In the past three years, we have witnessed the number of reported fly-tipping incidents in England increase from 957,157 in 2018-19 to well over one million in 2020-21.[21] The trend in where people most commonly fly-tip their waste has not changed: highways, footpaths/bridleways, and council land are consistently the most common types of land where fly-tipping occurs.

According to the latest 2020-2021 figures, a majority of 65% of all fly-tipping incidents (equivalent to 736,686 cases) comprise household waste. This includes, but is not limited to, house clearances, old furniture, carpets, and ‘black bag’ garbage. Similarly, commercial waste, which includes cardboards, foam, and plastic discards contribute to nearly 6% of fly-tipping incidents. The remaining 29% of fly-tipping incidents consist of miscellaneous waste such as construction material from demolitions, white goods, electrical waste, tyres, animal carcasses, and chemical drums among others.[22]

While individually dropped items of litter cannot be reported in the same way as incidents of fly-tipping, each year Keep Britain Tidy conducts the Local Environmental Quality Survey of England to assess the state of litter across the country.[23] Using a geographically representative sampling framework of 4,200 different sites across England, the survey applies a grade from A (no issues present) to D (heavily littered) to each site to reflect the severity of litter.

In the latest survey conducted in 2019-2020, 91% of sites were deemed to be at or above the acceptable standard of grade B (predominantly free of litter but with some issues).[24] While this may sound encouraging, Keep Britain Tidy also estimates that two million pieces of rubbish are being dropped every day across the country, meaning some 23 items are improperly discarded every second.[25] The most commonly littered items are smoking-related litter (77%), confectionery packets (45%), and non-alcoholic drinking vessels (40%).[26]

BOX 2. Cigarette litter

Available data tells us that smoking-related litter is the most prevalent form of litter in England, making up 68% of all littered items and found at almost 80% of sites surveyed by Keep Britain Tidy.[27] The vast majority of cigarette butts are single-use plastic and contain toxic chemicals once smoked.[28]

Research by Clean Up Britain surveyed 412 smokers to better understand their disposal habits regarding cigarette butts.[29] The study found that 41% of surveyed smokers admitted to ‘often’ or ‘always’ dropping butts on the ground.[30] 48% of those surveyed admitted to ‘occasionally’ or ‘rarely’ dropping butts and only 11% never littered their cigarette butts.

The Local Environmental Quality Survey of England also examined the types of land where people most commonly litter. These were industry and warehousing sites with 33% not meeting the acceptable standard for litter, high obstruction housing with 15% of sites not meeting the acceptable standard, and other retail and commercial areas with 14% of sites not meeting the acceptable standard. Other areas including highways, main roads, recreation areas, low obstruction housing, and main retail and commercial areas ranged from 2% to 12% of sites not meeting the acceptable standard.[31]

The blight of litter across England does not go unnoticed by the public. Since the beginning of the Covid-19 pandemic in 2020, 38% of people reported having seen more litter near where they live and a significant majority of people (76%) noticed an increase in personal protective equipment (PPE), such as face masks being littered.[32] Furthermore, as Bright Blue’s recent report showed, the public consider fly-tipping and littering to be the third most significant threat to the country’s natural environment (25%), behind climate change (36%) and plastic pollution (40%).[33]

The key drivers of fly-tipping and littering 

There are of course many reasons why people fly-tip and litter. The factors most commonly cited in existing evidence include: social influences, such as how others have treated an area; lack of education; insufficient disposal infrastructure; the cost of legitimate disposal, particularly in the case of fly-tipping; and a lack of law enforcement, such as a low rate of fines being issued.[34]

On social influences, individuals are more likely to litter in dirty environments compared to cleaner environments. In a study where participants were given a flyer on the windscreens of their cars, they littered the flyer the most when they observed someone littering in an already dirty environment, and they littered the least when they observed someone littering in a clean environment.[35] This indicates that the state of the surrounding area can influence the decision-making of individuals. In addition, behavioural research shows that only 49% of litterers strongly agreed that they take pride in where they live, compared to 69% of non-litterers.[36]

Lack of education about litter is also suggested as a key reason for littering behaviour, with focus group research in Wales indicating that littering can result in part from never having been taught to not litter.[37]

Similarly, the direct link between the lack of public receptacles and the increase in littering suggests that insufficient disposal infrastructure is another reason for why people litter. If people are unable to locate a receptacle or the bins are not regularly cleared, overloading of receptacles can occur which leads to increase in littering.[38]

Furthermore, fly-tipping in particular may be carried out to avoid disposal costs. The cost for collection of bulky items which do not fit into a wheeled bin varies based on the type and quantity of items, as well as the local authority’s fee. For example, Fenland District Council offers the collection of four items per visit for £30[39], Medway Council offers collection of three items for £22,[40] and Blackpool Council the same for £20.[41]

Historically, charging at waste disposal sites may also have an impact on fly-tipping rates. For example, Buckinghamshire Council charged in excess of £20 to dispose of items such as boilers, and over £10 for other items such as shower screens/doors, windows or a fireplace.[42] At Brent’s Household Re-use and Recycling Centre, disposing of one tonne of waste cost £165 with a minimum charge of £16 for waste up to 100 kilograms.[43]

To assess the link between fly-tipping and disposal costs, Bright Blue previously recommended ​​carrying out a government-backed study on the cost of fly-tipping enforcement and clean up compared to the cost of running free waste disposal sites where building/domestic waste can be disposed of responsibly. [44] In April 2022, the Government removed the ability for local authorities to charge households for the disposal of DIY waste at waste disposal sites, but its impact on fly-tipping remains to be seen.[45]

Finally, turning to consider law enforcement, failure by local authorities to issue fines for littering has meant that their efficacy as a deterrent has been hindered. In England, litterers can receive a FPN ranging from £65 to a maximum of £150. However, data obtained by Freedom of Information rules has revealed that of the 169 councils which responded to the request, the majority (56%) issued less than one FPN a week and 16% issued none for the 2018-19 period.[46]

Current responsibility for fly-tipping and littering

First, on littering, the Environmental Protection Act (EPA) 1990, Section 89, establishes where the duty to keep land and highways clear of litter lies. The Secretary of State for Transport is responsible for the network of motorways and strategic roads managed by National Highways in England. All other roads fall under the responsibility of the local authority where they are located.

Local authorities are also responsible for land under their direct control and which the public has access to. Section 89 of the EPA 1990 also states that the ‘designated statutory undertaker’ is responsible for keeping their relevant land clear of litter. This is in reference to organisations such as those permitted to operate railways, airports, canals, docks, and harbours. For educational institutions, including schools and universities, the governing body of each institution is responsible for keeping land which is open to the air free of litter.

Section 87 and 88 of the EPA 1990 establishes littering to be an offence in any place open to the air, including private property and bodies of water. Those found guilty can be fined by a court up to £2,500, or more commonly, be issued with a FPN of up to £150 by a local authority. Although National Highways are responsible for keeping motorways under their management free of litter, they cannot directly issue FPNs to those who litter. Instead, they must apply to the relevant local authority – the one in which the incident occurred – to issue an FPN.

For some roads, National Highways contracts out responsibility for keeping roads and verges free of litter. However, this has been ineffectual in the past and drawn criticism, as Box 3 below explains further.

Box 3. An example of private contracting from National Highways: Connect Plus Ltd

National Highways has contracted out the management and operation of the M25 network to Connect Plus, including the responsibility for ensuring it is free of litter. In 2009 Connect Plus received a 30-year contract worth £8 billion of taxpayer funding from National Highways to deliver these services.

However, criticism has been levelled at Connect Plus for failing to ensure the M25 is kept free of litter, as is required by law under the EPA 1990. Ample amounts of photographic evidence, as well as an investigation by Channel Four news, has revealed that swathes of the M25 remain heavily littered.[47]

Further criticism comes from the return shareholders have gained. A report by the National Audit Office revealed that over an eight year period, equity holders in Connect Plus have benefitted from a 31% return per annum.[48]

 

Community Protection Notices (CPNs) are another tool available to local authorities and police for dealing with ongoing nuisances affecting a community’s quality of life. The Anti-Social Behaviour Crime and Policing Act 2014 introduced CPNs, repealing several other anti-littering measures in the process – including Street Litter Control Notices, Litter Clearing Notices, and, Litter Abatement Notices[49] – and placing them under CPNs.[50] The UK Government’s rationale for this move was the confusing nature of a system using several different notices.

As for fly-tipping, section 33 of the EPA 1990 establishes the unlawful depositing of waste as an offence, but does not stipulate a maximum fine.[51] Defendants are sentenced on a case by case basis with penalties ranging from the issuance of a FPN to vehicle seizure and jail time.[52]

Local authorities are responsible for investigating and clearing fly-tipping incidents, and enforcing penalties on those committing small-scale offences such as those on public land.

For larger scale offences, defined as quantities of waste which are a tipper lorry load or more in size, the enforcement responsibility lies with the Environment Agency.[53]

On private property, it is the responsibility of the property owner to remove waste, which they can be directed to do by local authorities or the Environment Agency.

Public policies to reduce fly-tipping and littering

There are broadly five types of public policies to address fly-tipping and littering: regulatory; punishments; behavioural; incentives; and educational. These can apply to both individuals and organisations, and to both producers and consumers of waste.

Regulatory policy uses regulations and laws to direct or control the behaviour of individuals and organisations.

Policies that are punishments seek to deter individuals or organisations from behaving in a certain way that violates an existing law or regulation. In this sense, they are a branch of regulatory policy.

Behavioural policy uses behavioural science to influence the behaviour of individuals or organisations through ‘nudges’. It is also a branch of regulatory policy since it uses rules to shift attitudes and behaviours.

Policies that are incentives seek to encourage individuals or organisations to behave in a certain way which delivers a desired outcome – for example, by offering a financial benefit for desired behaviour such as recycling.

Education policy engages the public, especially young people, through schools, civil society organisations, and national campaigns.

We now identify the leading and current public policies in England under these five types of policies to reduce fly-tipping and littering. Those detailed below are the leading measures; they are not meant to be exhaustive.

Regulatory

  • Plastic bag charge. By law, retailers of all sizes are required to charge at least ten pence for a single-use carrier bag. This is not a tax and the proceeds of the scheme are donated to good causes chosen on a case by case basis by the retailer.[54] To avoid the additional charge, consumers are thereby incentivised to use reusable bags, reducing the use of single-use carrier bags and the litter they can cause. Since its introduction the scheme has cut plastic bag use down by more than 95% and raised over £180 million.[55]
  • Plastic Packaging Tax. This new tax, which came into force on the 1st April 2022, charges manufacturers £200 per metric tonne of plastic packaging used in their product unless at least 30% has been made from recycled plastic. This tax is applied to plastic manufactured or imported into the UK but does not apply to packaging used for the purpose of importing goods. The aim of this tax is to provide an incentive for businesses to buy and use recycled plastic. In a previous report, Global Green Giant, Bright Blue recommended that the UK’s plastic packaging tax threshold should be set at 35% from 30% as soon as feasible, and this threshold should increase if viable on an annual basis thereafter.[56]
  • Ban on certain single-use plastic items. Common single-use plastic items including straws, stirrers, cotton buds, disposable plastic plates, single-use plastic cutlery, balloon sticks, food and drink containers, expanded polystyrene containers, and oxo-degradable products are banned.[57] If found to be breaking the law, individuals and businesses will be issued a fine based at the discretion of their local authority.[58] The Government has recently concluded a public consultation which looked to extend bans and is expected to publish the outcome in the near future.[59] However, studies have found that just banning single-use plastics is often insufficient and does very little to reduce the total amount of waste without also banning single-use non-plastic alternatives.[60]
  • Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) Scheme. In 2024 the UK Government is set to introduce an Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) scheme for packaging. This will require producers to cover the costs of managing packaging once it becomes waste and producers will pay more for less sustainable packaging, incentivising packaging that uses less material and is easier to recycle. Defra has finished consulting on the design of the EPR scheme and a full Government response is expected to be published in 2022.[61]
  • Electronic waste tracking. The Government’s flagship Environment Act 2021 will allow for the introduction of mandatory electronic waste tracking to begin between 2023 and 2024. The policy is aimed at collecting data to better understand how waste is processed and increase compliance by businesses.[62] Currently, the Government is deciding between two waste tracking systems: Anthesis and Topolytics. Anthesis relies on workers within the waste management system scanning QR codes on waste consignments and uploading the identity of the consignments to their database. Should waste go missing at any point, it can be traced back to when it was last scanned. Topolytics gathers data through multiple different sources including electronic invoices, weighbridges at refuse stations, bin weighing systems, vehicle tracking systems such as GPS, and smart labelling systems. The latter works by using printable radio frequency identification (RFID) tags which can be scanned. Topolytics then uses a tracking system built from all different data sources to produce a waste map showing where waste has been and will go. This data allows authorities to pinpoint where waste goes missing at any stage. The type of system to be adopted and its implementation date is yet to be confirmed.

Punishments

  • Fixed Penalty Notices (FPNs). Dropping litter is a criminal offence under Section 87(1) of the EPA 1990 in England and Wales. Litterers could face a fine of up to £2,500 if prosecuted in court.[63] More commonly issued to the litterer is a FPN, issued by local authorities or the police.[64] As mentioned previously, FPNs are set by the local authority and range from a minimum of £65 to a maximum of £150[65]. If litter is thrown from a vehicle, the owner of the vehicle can be fined, irrespective of whether they committed the offence themselves. The rationale is for FPNs to deter people from littering. However, many organisations, including Bright Blue, believe that a maximum FPN of £150 is inadequate to deter litterers from offending and have called for FPNs to be set at a much higher level[66]. Furthermore, very few local authorities have actually been enforcing the law – of those who responded to a relatively recent Freedom of Information (FOI) request, 56% of local authorities issued less than one FPN per week and 16% issued none at all – thereby undermining the efficacy of FPNs as a deterrent for littering.[67] A report by Keep Britain Tidy found that the majority of people who had been issued an FPN had altered their behaviour in the short term but it did not change their attitudes in the long term .[68]
  • Community Protection Notices (CPNs). CPNs, described earlier, are designed to deal with ongoing nuisances which affect communities’ quality of life. They may be used to tackle littering on specific premises, whether it is private or commercial. Before local authorities can issue a CPN, they must first issue a written warning to the individual or organisation undertaking the anti-social behaviour. Failure to comply with a CPN can result in a fine of up to £2,500 for individuals and up to £20,000 for business. Additionally, the magistrates court can order forfeiture and destruction of any item used in the commission of the offence[69].
  • Prosecution for fly-tipping. If found guilty of fly-tipping, individuals can be prosecuted with consequences ranging from unlimited fines and seizure of the vehicle used to commit the offence to imprisonment. Additionally, households can be fined up to £400 if they pass their waste to an unlicensed waste carrier which is subsequently fly-tipped. As Chart 1 showed earlier, the total number of fly-tipping incidents between 2018-19 and 2020-21 reported to local authorities increased by 18% from approximately 957,000 to 1,134,000. During the same time, the total number of actions taken against the offences decreased by 9% from nearly 501,000 actions in 2018-19 to 456,000 actions in 2020-2021.[70] Both fixed penalty notices and prosecutions decreased by approximately 40% and 25% during these years.[71]

Behavioural

  • Litter innovation fund. Defra and the Department for Levelling Up, Housing and Communities (LUHC) set aside £450,000 for two years from 2018 to provide match funding grants of up to £10,000 for local authorities and communities to come up with creative solutions for tackling litter. For example, in 2019, Keep Britain Tidy received a grant of £9,900 to pilot a ‘reflective litter’ campaign across the City of London.[72] It involved strategically placing mirrors in areas where people often intentionally placed litter, rather than carelessly discarding it, so that those who litter would then see themselves carrying out an act of littering. The mirrors were inscribed with text slogans such as “Mirror, mirror on the wall, litter reflects badly on us all”. Monitoring of the three sites where the pilot was carried out revealed a 19.5% reduction in litter.[73] Another example was £10,000 granted to Medway Council to deliver interventions to reduce littering at Chatham Waterfront Bus Station. They nudged people to dispose of their litter properly through interventions such as having a cigarette butt disposal bin which allow smokers to place their butts in a particular bin. They also painted footsteps on the pavement which led to a rubbish and recycling bin, encouraging people to use the receptacles. The interventions delivered a 71% improvement in the public’s perception of cleanliness of the bus station.[74]

Incentives

  • Deposit Return Scheme (DRS). The Government is set to introduce a Deposit Return Scheme (DRS), where consumers will be charged a deposit on drinks containers that are refunded upon the drink container being deposited in designated recycling bins. The scheme will be run by a new body, the Deposit Management Organisation (DMO), and is designed in such a way as to provide a financial incentive for consumers to dispose of their containers in an environmentally sustainable way as opposed to littering or disposing of the containers in a regular bin to be sent to landfill.[75] Defra has finished consulting on the design of the DRS and expects to publish a full response in 2022, outlining key policy decisions, such as what rate the deposit charge will be set at, who is responsible for collecting the returns and how widely the scheme will apply for example, the different types of items included and their sizes.
  • Free Waste Disposal: In April 2022, the Government announced plans to remove the ability for local authorities to charge for the removal of DIY waste from households including plasterboards, bricks, and bath units. The Government did in fact ban charges on local residents disposing of household rubbish at household waste centres in 2015, but now guidance has made clear that this includes DIY household waste. Around a third of local authorities still charged for certain types of DIY waste prior to the most recent announcement. The announced change in regulation could save households up to £10 for each individual item being disposed of and removes a barrier to the legal disposal of DIY waste: incentivising responsible disposal and reducing the likelihood of DIY waste fly-tipping.[76]

Educational

  • National anti-litter campaign. The ‘Keep it. Bin it.’ campaign, jointly led by Defra and Keep Britain Tidy, has reached 3.3 million 16 to 24 year olds, aiming to challenge public perceptions about whether it is acceptable to litter.[77] The campaign includes videos with anti-littering messaging, such as showing the impact it has on animals, which are displayed at various locations across the country, including online, in cinemas’ pre-show adverts, at Network Rail stations and digital billboards at motorway service stations.[78] It was launched in November 2018 and has been backed by commercial partners, including McDonalds, Greggs, PepsiCo UK, Network Rail, and others.[79] Historically, other anti-littering campaigns have been very effective both within the UK and internationally. The Love Essex campaign combined education with enforcement warnings by putting up posters on billboards and buses, and messages on fast food packaging, which highlighted the risk of a fine for littering. Additionally, there were regular ‘litter-picks’ with local businesses to showcase the extent of the problem. In its third year, from August to October 2016, the campaign reported a 41% reduction in litter. The Don’t Mess With Texas campaign was launched in 1985 by the Texas Department of Transportation and for the last thirty years has aimed to teach Texans the true cost of littering. Its billboard, radio, and TV adverts contain local and national celebrities who highlight the difference a single person can make by disposing of their litter responsibly and show how much litter cleanup costs the state.[80] Since 2009, the campaign has shown a 34% reduction in visible roadside litter.[81]

Figure 1. The leading UK policy approaches and measures to fly-tipping and littering

Littering policies overseas

Elsewhere around the world, cities and countries are kept clean thanks to unique and additional policies beyond those which have been enacted in England. Here, we focus on examples of effective regulatory, punishment, behavioural, incentives, and educational policies from different countries.

Regulatory

European countries such as Malta, Ireland, Portugal and Czechia have recently introduced ‘smart bins’ to tackle overflowing receptacles in public areas.[82] The bins are attached with solar panels which power a small compactor to crush waste, thereby increasing capacity, decreasing the likelihood of overflowing receptacles, and reducing the frequency of waste collection by 85%.[83]

The bins are connected to an app which can be accessed by both city management authorities and citizens. City management can monitor the bins which are nearing capacity and target them specifically for waste collection, increasing the efficiency of rubbish truck trips. Similarly, citizens can also access data on waste collection and locate nearby empty litter and recycling bins.

Malta saw an increased recycling rate of 51% since the bin’s introduction and the central district in Prague is expected to make over £10,000 in savings a year.[84][85]

Punishments

Although punishments for fly-tipping and littering are common across the world, some are notably stricter than those in force in England. Singapore, widely regarded as one of the cleanest countries in the world, has a set of strict laws to keep its streets clean[86]. Litterers caught dropping small items such as cigarette butts or wrappers face a fine of S$300 (£180) for their first offence and subsequent offences attract increasingly higher fines of up to £10,000 for the third conviction.[87] For larger items that are littered, such as drinking vessels, the litterers are required to appear before the courts and carry out a Corrective Work Order, a form of community service where offenders must wear high visibility jackets which identify them as litterers and pick up litter.[88] Additionally, plain clothed officers enforce these laws, making them difficult to evade and over 3,000 surveillance cameras have been installed to catch litterers since 2012.[89][90] High-rise littering, where litter is thrown out of the windows of high rise apartments, has even stricter penalties, with first-time offenders facing a fine of up to S$2,000 (£1200).[91] Due to the significantly higher fines, there are less repeat high-rise littering offenders compared to general littering offenders.[92]

In addition, chewing gum is banned in Singapore. Its importation into the country is illegal for both commercial purposes or personal use.[93] If people are caught improperly disposing of chewing gum or carrying large quantities of it, they are fined S$1,000 (£600) for their first offence with increased fines for subsequent offences.[94] This ban is widely regarded as effective, significantly reducing the amount of gum stuck to sidewalks, making the streets easier to clean.[95]

Behavioural

Denmark’s capital Copenhagen ran a campaign called ‘Pure Love’ between 2012 and 2015, which encouraged residents to keep their city clean.[96] Measures included making bins bright green so they are easily identifiable, painting green footsteps on the pavement leading towards bins, and displaying heart-shaped symbols across the city with messages to reinforce the campaign.

An evaluation indicated an increase in awareness about cleanliness.[97] As a result of the campaign, Copenhagen was able to claim the title of being the cleanest city in Europe.[98]

Incentives

In Australia, the Sustainable Communities Tidy Towns Awards, given out by Keep Australia Beautiful, rewards projects and initiatives with a focus on environmental sustainability and resource management.[99] The awards include the category ‘Dame Phyllis Frost Litter Prevention’, which directly awards communities for successful litter reduction.[100] Although it is difficult to measure the success of running competitions for reducing littering and fly-tipping, the award encourages communities to keep their local area clean and increases awareness of community-led environmental action.

Educational

Sustainable Coastlines, a charity funded by the Ministry for the Environment, leads New Zealand’s ‘Litter Intelligence Programme’. The programme is built on standardised beach litter monitoring, which is New Zealand’s adaptation of the United Nations Environment Programme/Intergovernmental Oceanographic Commission methodology. [101]

This programme has two main components. The first is where each school adopts a beach in their neighbourhood. The charity provides professional development training to teachers, and students are trained on how to collect data on marine litter to identify local issues in their community and tackle them. Through the programme, students are provided with training, equipment and technology to become ‘Citizen Scientists.’[102]

After successful completion of the first component, the second component integrates Citizen Scientists within a national network of monitoring groups. Schools are allowed to contribute their data to a national litter database which is used to track littering trends in the country as well as monitor and evaluate interventions to curb littering.

The success of this programme is reflected in the high quality of the database which is being used to inform government policies such as tracking plastics and single use plastic products. The data has also been used in official government reports.[103]

Recommendations 

In the past, Bright Blue has proposed a number of policy recommendations to reduce fly-tipping and littering. These include: higher fines through FPNs for littering; ring-fencing revenue from FPNs for local environmental purposes; and totally waiving the costs for DIY waste disposal at household waste centres, a policy which was adopted by the Government in April 2022.[104]

Here we recommend new policies, based on the different types of policy approaches and from adapting examples overseas. The list of policies is not exhaustive; other organisations have proposed credible ideas which the Government should seriously consider. And there is no one single type of policy that will stop littering and fly-tipping. Instead a blend of approaches opens the possibility of finding and executing the most effective interventions to reduce both littering and fly-tipping.

The policies we recommend are guided by four key principles:

  • Fiscally responsible. Policies must be fiscally realistic and not place too great a demand on public money.
  • Be led by evidence. Policy suggestions should be supported by evidence of efficacy from either domestic trials or overseas implementation where possible.
  • Politically realistic. Suggestions should be realistic and not significantly change the workload of any government organisation or department.
  • Publicly acceptable. Policies should be likely to have the support of the majority of the public and not be too burdensome or restrictive on individuals.

Regulatory

Recommendation one: Task the Office of Environmental Protection with inspecting local authorities to ensure they are enforcing the law on litter and mandate the use of third-party enforcement services when they fail to do so.

Fines for littering – notably FPNs – could be a powerful tool to dissuade people from littering. However, many local authorities are failing to enforce the law on litter, or are doing so very lightly.[105] As mentioned previously, when local authorities were questioned via a Freedom of Information request about how many FPNs they had issued on a weekly basis, 56% of those who responded had issued less than one FPN per week and 16% issued none at all. If FPNs are not being issued, it hinders their efficacy as a deterrent for littering.

Currently, there are no official inspections into whether local authorities are enforcing the law on litter, nor are there repercussions for failing to do so. The Office of Environmental Protection (OEP), the new independent regulator designed to hold government and other public bodies to account on environmental protection, should be tasked with inspecting local authorities to ensure they are applying the law on litter. Where they are failing to do so, the OEP should mandate the use of third-party enforcement services to apply the law on litter within a local authority’s area.

Third-party enforcement services, usually private companies, are already used by some local authorities in England, such as Barnet London Borough Council and Bristol City Council. These third-party enforcement services are given authority to issue FPNs to those who litter by local authorities.  The use of such third-party enforcement services can be cost-effective for local authorities as they can generate revenue from the fines they issue. This also incentivises third-party services to actively enforce the law on littering and issue FPNs.

In 2018, the 73 local authorities who employed private, third-party enforcement services to issue FPNs issued an average of 2,940 fines each per year.[106] By comparison, the 230 local authorities who did not employ third-party enforcement services to issue FPNs issued an average of 157 each per year.[107]

Recommendation two: Update National Highways’ Key Performance Indicators to include litter, with an accompanying ambitious target for reducing it.

Littered verges along motorways remain a common sight for motorists in England. National Highways are responsible for keeping the motorways and strategic roads under their management free of litter. Attempts by National Highways to outsource this responsibility to third party contractors have been unsuccessful, as the earlier example of Connect Plus Ltd attests to.

National Highways’ Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) focus on the activities and outcomes which are most important to the organisation, broken down into several different categories. One category is ‘Being environmentally responsible’, where KPIs include noise reduction, no loss of biodiversity, air quality targets, and a reduction in carbon emissions, but with no mention of litter. Instead, litter is mentioned as a Performance Indicator,[108] but unlike KPIs, Performance Indicators are not seen as a critical measure which must be achieved and generally do not have targets.

National Highways should establish litter as a KPI. This would ensure that litter is treated as a critical measure which must be prevented, thereby embedding it within the strategic direction of National Highways. Furthermore, it should be accompanied by an ambitious litter reduction target for England’s motorway verges.

Alongside keeping motorway verges clear of litter, this would ensure that breaching contracts is taken more seriously. The contracts which have failed to deliver, such as Connect Plus Ltd, would be deemed intolerable and therefore likely to be negotiated more effectively in the future, such as including penalty clauses for failure to deliver.

Punishments

Recommendation three: Introduce imprisonment as a minimum sentence for those fly-tipping asbestos.

Currently, those caught fly-tipping face penalties ranging from unlimited fines and seizure of the vehicle used to commit the offence through to imprisonment, irrespective of the material being fly-tipped. Given the strong link between asbestos and mesothelioma – a form of cancer with an extremely high mortality rate – those caught fly-tipping asbestos should face imprisonment as a minimum sentence.[109]

Behavioural

Recommendation four: Defra should re-establish the Litter Innovation Fund on a long-term basis with annual funding grants.

The Litter Innovation Fund ran for two years from 2018 to 2019 and gave £450,000 worth of funding to various charities and organisations to trial novel anti-littering methods, some of which have been described earlier.[110] Defra should re-create the fund on a long-term basis with new grants available annually for local authorities and other third party organisations for initiatives to effect positive behavioural change around littering.

While there is no analysis for the overarching efficacy of the Littering Innovation Fund in reducing litter, specific projects that were funded from it such as Keep Britain Tidy’s reflective litter campaign and Medway Council’s cigarette butt bin scheme have proven efficacy.[111][112]

After the Litter Innovation Fund has been evaluated to demonstrate efficacy and value for money, it should be committed to on a long-term basis with local authorities and third parties allowed to bid for grants annually. This policy would encourage and assist local authorities in meeting their local littering reduction ambitions and encourage the development of new ideas to reduce littering behaviour.

Educational

Recommendation five: Establish a Litter Intelligence Programme within the NCS so young people can become UK ‘Citizen Scientists’

The National Citizen Service (NCS) is a government-sponsored voluntary initiative for 16-17 year olds where they engage with a range of extracurricular activities that include outdoor team-building exercises, independent living, and social action projects. Currently, the scheme offers placements during school holidays in spring, summer and autumn.[113] In a previous report, Distant Neighbours, Bright Blue recommended that all state school students should participate in at least one week of NCS during term time in Year 9 or Year 10.[114]

During the second week of the scheme the children “design and implement a social action project which will have a long-lasting impact in the local community.”[115] While litter collection is already an option, the NCS should create a more formalised Litter Intelligence Programme mimicking that of New Zealand’s during the second week of the programme for student groups who choose litter collection as their social action.

The groups of students who choose to participate in this programme route in the NCS will be given a local area to adopt and then trained on how to collect data on litter. Once students have completed this one week course they can become labelled as Citizen Scientists or equivalent based on the level of training they received. Additionally, the data collection aspect of the training can be put on both their CVs, university applications, and if the scheme is successful form an additional source of litter data for national analysis.

Conclusion

Fly-tipping and littering continues to cause economic, environmental and social damage to communities across the country. With fly-tipping incidents rising over the past three years and reports of littering increasing, it is clear that public policy needs to do more in order to tackle this serious problem.

The policy recommendations above, or ones proposed by Bright Blue previously, are not exhaustive and will not end fly-tipping and littering. But by acting on these recommendations, government can play its part in reducing the level of fly-tipping and littering, creating a robust policy framework upon which to build on in the future. 

Authors

Patrick Hall, Rebecca Foster, Joshua Marks and Shrishti Kajaria

Acknowledgments

This report has been made possible with the generous support of the John Ellerman Foundation. The views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect the views of the sponsor. We would like to thank Sam Hall and Kitty Thompson for peer reviewing this report. We would also like to thank Ryan Shorthouse for his editing and feedback.

Footnotes

[1] Patrick Hall, “Nature positive? Public attitudes towards the natural environment”, Bright Blue, http://www.brightblue.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2021/07/Nature-positive.pdf (2021), 33.
[2] Ibid,76.
[3] Patrick Hall and William Nicolle, “Global green giant? A policy story”, Bright Blue, http://brightblue.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Global-green-giant-a-policy-story.pdf (2020), 29-30.
[4] Bright Blue, “Littering petition”, http://green.brightblue.org.uk/littering-petition (2021).
[5] GOV UK, “The Controlled Waste Regulations 1992”, https://www.legislation.gov.uk/uksi/1992/588/contents/made (1992).
[6] Louise Smith, “Fly-tipping – the illegal dumping of waste”, House of Commons Library, https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/research-briefings/sn05672/ (2021).
[7] Sara Priestley, “Litter: key trends, policy and legislation”, House of Commons Library, https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/research-briefings/sn06984/ (2017).
[8] United Nations Environment Programme, “Plastic planet: How tiny plastic particles are polluting our soil”, https://www.unep.org/news-and-stories/story/plastic-planet-how-tiny-plastic-particles-are-polluting-our-soil#:~:text=Chlorinated%20plastic%20can%20release%20harmful,species%20that%20drink%20the%20water l (2018).
[9] Ibid.
[10] RSPCA, “How littering affects animals”, https://www.rspca.org.uk/adviceandwelfare/litter (2021).
[11] Macquarie University, “It’s not just fish, plastic pollution harms the bacteria that help us breathe”, https://www.eurekalert.org/pub_releases/2019-05/mu-inj051219.php (2019).
[12] Annie Gouk, “The true cost of litter and fly-tipping in England”, https://www.inyourarea.co.uk/news/the-true-cost-of-litter-and-fly-tipping-in-england/ (2020).
[13] Estimates for clearance costs of other sizes of fly-tipping are unavailable.
[14] Department for Environment, Food & Rural Affairs, “Fly-tipping and littering statistics for England, 2020 to 2021”, https://www.gov.uk/government/statistics/fly-tipping-in-england/fly-tipping-statistics-for-england-2020-to-2021 (2021).
[15] Keep Britain Tidy, “How clean is England? The Local Environmental Quality Survey of England 2014/15”, https://www.keepbritaintidy.org/sites/default/files/resources/KBT_How_Clean_Is_England_LEQSE_Report_2015.pdf (2015), 36.
[16] British Pest Control Association, “PestAware the pest control blog from BPCA” https://bpca.org.uk/Pest-Aware/pest-awareness-week-kicks-off-with-war-on-litter-to-tackle-rodent-numbers/194769 (2018).
[17] Zero Waste Scotland, “Litter and flytipping – the costs and the consequences” https://www.zerowastescotland.org.uk/litter-flytipping/impacts (2022)
[18] Gov.uk, “Levelling Up the United Kingdom”, https://assets.publishing.service.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/1052706/Levelling_Up_WP_HRES.pdf (2022)
[19] Fiona Harvey, “Fly-tipping in England increases during Covid pandemic”, The Guardian,  https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2021/dec/08/fly-tipping-in-england-increases-during-covid-pandemic (2021)
[20] Figures are presented by tax year – e.g. 2019-20 refers to the period April 2019 to March 2020. Due to methodological changes, data from 2018-19 onwards is not comparable with earlier years.
21] ChronicleLive, “Incidents of fly-tipping soared in the North East during the pandemic”, https://www.chroniclelive.co.uk/news/north-east-news/flytipping-soar-north-east-pandemic-22876153 (2022).
[22] ‘Other unidentifiable’ was the most prevalent form of fly-tipped waste after household waste, but cannot be categorised.
[23] Keep Britain Tidy, “Littering Monitoring” https://www.keepbritaintidy.org/sites/default/files/resource/KBT17_Policy_Position_Litter_Monitoring.pdf (2016), 1-2.
[24] Keep Britain Tidy, “Litter in England: The local environmental quality survey of England 2019/20”, https://www.keepbritaintidy.org/sites/default/files/resource/National%20Litter%20Survey%20How%20Clean%20is%20England%20Leaflet%202019%202020.pdf (2020).
[25] Alistair MacQueen, “Britain in midst of ‘litter crisis’ according to latest data”, iNewshttps://inews.co.uk/news/britain-in-litter-crisis-1055667, 2021.
[26] Keep Britain Tidy, “Litter in England: The local environmental quality survey of England 2019/20”, https://www.keepbritaintidy.org/sites/default/files/resource/National%20Litter%20Survey%20How%20Clean%20is%20England%20Leaflet%202019%202020.pdf (2020).
[27] Keep Britain Tidy, “Littering in England: the local environmental quality survey of England”, https://www.keepbritaintidy.org/sites/default/files/resource/National%20Litter%20Survey%20201718_0.pdf (2017/18), 1-7.
[28] Department for Environment, Food & Rural Affairs, “Government explores next steps to clean up tobacco litter in England”, https://www.gov.uk/government/news/government-explores-next-steps-to-clean-up-tobacco-litter-in-england (2021)
[29] Clean Up Britain and DecTec, “Cigarette butt littering research: report summary” (2021), 3-4.
[30] Ibid,13.
[31] Ibid.
[32] Campaign to Protect Rural England, “Three in four people report rise in PPE litter since coronavirus”, https://www.cpre.org.uk/about-us/cpre-media/rise-in-ppe-litter-since-coronavirus/ (2020).
[33] UK data based on unpublished Savanta ComRes polling commissioned by Bright Blue.
[34] Ibid., 17-32.
[35] Paul Bonarrigo et al., “Using Behaviour-Change Strategies to Reduce Littering in Lambeth” https://cpb-us-w2.wpmucdn.com/wp.wpi.edu/dist/2/96/files/2020/03/Lambeth-Final-Presentation.pdf (2020), 7-8.
[36] Social Engine, “Reducing littering in the New Forest: A behavioural insight project”
https://local.gov.uk/sites/default/files/documents/Final%20Report%20050121.pdf (2020), 2-3.
[37] Ibid., 37.
[38] Conserve Energy Future, “What is Littering?” https://www.conserve-energy-future.com/causes-problems-solutions-littering.php (2021).
[39] Fenland District Council, “Bulky Waste”,  https://fenland.gov.uk/bulkywaste (2021).
[40] Medway Council, “Book a large or bulky item collection”, https://www.medway.gov.uk/info/200132/waste_and_recycling/71/book_a_large_or_bulky_item_collection (2022).
[41] Blackpool Council, “Collection of bulky items”, https://www.blackpool.gov.uk/Residents/Waste-and-recycling/Collection-of-bulky-items/Collection-of-bulky-items.aspx (2022).
[42] Buckinghamshire Council, “Full list of non-household waste charges”, https://www.buckscc.gov.uk/services/waste-and-recycling/household-recycling-centres/charges-for-non-household-waste/full-list-of-non-household-waste-charges/ (2021).
[43] West London Waste, “Charges at household re-use and recycling centres”, https://westlondonwaste.gov.uk/recycling-sites/hrrc-charges-your-questions-answered/ (2022).
[44] Patrick Hall and William Nicolle, “Global green giant? A policy story”, Bright Blue, http://brightblue.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Global-green-giant-a-policy-story.pdf (2020), 30
[45] Department for Business, Energy & Industrial Strategy, “Government announces new crackdown on fly-tipping”, https://www.gov.uk/government/news/government-announces-new-crackdown-on-fly-tipping (2022).
[46] Damian Carrington, “Littering unpunished by many councils in England and Wales”, The Guardian, 27 Aug, 2020.
[47] Alex Thomson, “The private company failing to tame epidemic of litter on our motorways,” Channel 4 News, https://www.channel4.com/news/the-private-company-failing-to-tame-epidemic-of-litter-on-our-motorways, 2020.
[48] National Audit Office, “PFI and PF2”, https://www.nao.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/01/PFI-and-PF2.pdf (2018), 40.
[49] Street Litter Control Notices gave councils the power to require businesses or individuals to clear litter from around their premises and take steps to prevent future littering. On the other hand, Litter Abatement Notice enables the Principal litter authorities to take action where a duty body is not keeping its relevant land clear of litter and refuse. Courts can also fine the littering authority with £2,500 charges and subsequent increase of £125 for each day after conviction. Similarly, Principal litter authorities also have the power to issue Litter Clearing Notices when land in their area is littered and detrimental to the amenity of that area. This notice can be used for most types of land and is thus a tool to tackle little on private land which might be blown towards public areas. Authorities also have the right to clean the litter themselves and then recover the cost from the occupier or owner of the land.
[50]GOV UK, “Anti-social Behaviour, Crime and Policing Act 2014” https://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2014/12/contents/enacted (2014).
[51] GOV UK, “Environmental Protection Act 1990” https://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/1990/43/section/33 (1990).
[52] Ibid.
[53] Insight Security, “Large=Scale Fly-Tipping On The Rise”, https://www.insight-security.com/large-scale-fly-tipping-on-the-rise (2020)
[54] Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, “Carrier bags: why there’s a charge”, https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/single-use-plastic-carrier-bags-why-were-introducing-the-charge/carrier-bags-why-theres-a-5p-charge (2021).
[55] Ibid.
[56] Patrick Hall and William Nicolle, “Global green giant? A policy story”, Bright Blue, http://brightblue.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Global-green-giant-a-policy-story.pdf (2020), 27
[57] House of Common Library, “Single use plastic: How do bans differ across the UK and EU?”, https://commonslibrary.parliament.uk/single-use-plastic-how-do-bans-differ-across-the-uk-and-eu/ (2022).
[58] Department for Environment, Food & Rural Affairs, “Straws, cotton buds and drink stirrers ban: rules for businesses in England”, https://www.gov.uk/guidance/straws-cotton-buds-and-drink-stirrers-ban-rules-for-businesses-in-england (2020).
[59] Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, “Consultation on proposals to ban commonly littered single-use plastic items in England”, https://consult.defra.gov.uk/environmental-quality/consultation-on-proposals-to-ban-commonly-littered/  (2021).
[60] Timo Herberz 1, Claire Y. Barlow, and Matthias Finkbeiner, “Sustainability Assessment of a Single-Use Plastics Ban”, https://d-nb.info/1222099179/34 (2020).
[61] Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, “Packaging and packaging waste: introducing Extended Producer Responsibility”, https://www.gov.uk/government/consultations/packaging-and-packaging-waste-introducing-extended-producer-responsibility (2022).
[62] Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, “Mandatory digital waste tracking”, https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/digital-waste-tracking-service/mandatory-digital-waste-tracking (2022).
[63] Campaign to Protect Rural England, “What is litter?”, https://www.cpre.org.uk/what-we-care-about/better-places-to-live/cleaner-countryside/litter-and-the-law/what-is-litter/ (2020).
[64] Campaign to Protect Rural England, “Litter Law England and Wales”
https://www.cpre.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/05/CPRE-Litter-Law-Report.pdf (2020), 4-5.
[65] Ibid.
[66]  Patrick Hall and William Nicolle, “Global green giant? A policy story”, Bright Blue, http://brightblue.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Global-green-giant-a-policy-story.pdf (2020), 29
[67] Carrington, “Littering unpunished by many councils in England and Wales”, The Guardian, 2020.
[68] Keep Britain Tidy, “The Effectiveness of Enforcement on Behaviour Change”, https://www.ipsos.com/sites/default/files/publication/1970-01/sri-manchester-effectivness-of-enforcement-kbt-2011.pdf (2011), 7-10.
[69] GOV UK, “Anti-Social Behaviour, Crime and Policing Act 2014”, https://www.legislation.gov.uk/ukpga/2014/12/notes/division/5/4 (2014).
[70] DEFRA, the official body responsible for collecting data on fly-tipping, changed its data collection methodology in 2018 due to which data from previous years is not comparable.
[71] GOV UK, “ENV24 – Fly Tipping Incidents And Actions Taken In England”, https://www.gov.uk/government/statistical-data-sets/env24-fly-tipping-incidents-and-actions-taken-in-england (2021).
[72]  Keep Britain Tidy, “Litter innovation fund (LIF)”, https://www.keepbritaintidy.org/sites/default/files/resources/KBT_260219_Reflective-Littering-Innovation_Defra-LIF.pdf (2019).
[73] Ibid.
[74] Medway Council, “Litter innovation fund (LIF)”, https://www.medway.gov.uk/download/downloads/id/4299/lif_final_report_final_jun19.pdf (2019).
[75] Biffa, “Deposit Return Scheme (DRS)”, https://www.biffa.co.uk/deposit-return-scheme (2022).
[76] Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, “Government announces new crackdown on fly-tipping”, https://www.gov.uk/government/news/government-announces-new-crackdown-on-fly-tipping (2022).
[77] Oliver Nicholls, “Keep it, bin it”, Civil Service, https://civilservice.blog.gov.uk/2020/02/06/keep-it-bin-it-working-to-discourage-young-people-from-littering/ (2020).
[78]Keep Britain Tidy, “Keep It, Bin It”, https://www.keepbritaintidy.org/keep-it-bin-it (2021).
[79] Department for Environment, Food & Rural Affairs, “Devastating impact on nature highlighted in new campaign to fight litter”, https://www.gov.uk/government/news/devastating-impact-on-nature-highlighted-in-new-campaign-to-fight-litter (2018).
[80] Don’t Mess with Texas, “Don’t Mess with Texas – The Campaign”,  https://www.dontmesswithtexas.org/the-campaign/ (2022).
[81] Zero Waste Scotland, “Some of the Best Litter Prevention Campaigns from Around the World”, https://www.zerowastescotland.org.uk/litter-flytipping/top-campaigns.
[82] Aseniya Dimitrova, “Prague introduces smart bins to save energy and money”, The Mayor, https://www.themayor.eu/en/a/view/prague-introduces-smart-bins-to-save-energy-and-money-3527, (2021).
[83] Monika Dimitrova, “Smart bins reduce waste collection by up to 85%”, The Mayor, https://www.themayor.eu/en/a/view/smart-bins-reduce-waste-collection-by-up-to-85-1879 (2021).
[84]  Aseniya Dimitrova, “Malta uses Internet of Things technology to monitor smart bins”, The Mayor, https://www.themayor.eu/en/a/view/malta-uses-internet-of-things-technology-to-monitor-smart-bins-2827 (2021).
[85]  Ibid.
[86]  Alliance to End Plastic Waste, “The countries who have built a culture of cleanups”, https://endplasticwaste.org/en/our-stories/the-countries-who-have-built-a-culture-of-cleanups#:~:text=Singapore%20is%20known%20for%20having,punishments%20such%20as%20community%20cleaning (2021).
[87]  National Environment Agency, “Enforcement for littering offences increased by almost 22 per cent in 2018”, https://www.nea.gov.sg/media/news/news/index/enforcement-for-littering-offences-increased-by-almost-22-per-cent-in-2018 (2019).
[88] Djulia Montana De Veyra, “Singapore: laws to know before you go”, https://www.goabroad.com/articles/study-abroad/singapore-laws-to-know-before-you-go#:~:text=Littering,candy%20wrappers%20are%20fined%20%24300 (2021).
[89]  National Environment Agency, “Enforcement for littering offences increased by almost 22 per cent in 2018”, https://www.nea.gov.sg/media/news/news/index/enforcement-for-littering-offences-increased-by-almost-22-per-cent-in-2018 (2019).
[90] Alicia Tan, “Singapore has thousands of litterbug catching cameras”, Mashable (2016).
[91] Cheryl Lin, “More than 1,000 enforcement actions taken against high-rise litterbugs last year”, Channels News Asia, 2 February 2021.
[92] Ibid.
[93] Singapore Statutes Online, “Regulation of imports and exports act”, https://sso.agc.gov.sg/SL/272A-RG4 (1999).
[94] Djulia Montana De Veyra, “Singapore: laws to know before you go”, https://www.goabroad.com/articles/study-abroad/singapore-laws-to-know-before-you-go#:~:text=Littering,candy%20wrappers%20are%20fined%20%24300 (2021).
[95] Naren Kashyap and Mary Rani Thomas, “3-Rev7 in Singapore- Case Study Editor”, https://www.researchgate.net/publication/333446623_3-Rev7_in_Singapore-_Case_Study_Editor, (2019)
[96] Clean Europe Network, “Nudging: from Denmark with love”, https://cleaneuropenetwork.eu/en/blog/nudging-from-denmark-with-love/agf/, (2016).
[97] Ibid.
[98] Ibid.
[99] Keep Australia Beautiful is a non public body but is partnered with the Australian Government
[100] Keep Australia Beautiful, “Community Towns” https://kab.org.au/beechworth-crowned-australias-most-sustainable-community/ (2022).
[101] The Commonwealth, Clean Ocean Alliance “ Litter Intelligence Programme, New Zealand”, https://thecommonwealth.org/case-study/case-study-litter-intelligence-programme-new-zealand-going (2020).
[102] Ibid.
[103] Ibid.
[104] Patrick Hall and William Nicolle, “Global green giant? A policy story”, Bright Blue, http://brightblue.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/Global-green-giant-a-policy-story.pdf (2020)
[105] Damian Carrington, “Littering unpunished by many councils in England and Wales”, The Guardian, 27 Aug, 2020.
[106] Manifesto Club, “Corruption of punishment: over 200,000 litter fines issued by private security guards in 2018”, https://manifestoclub.info/corruption-of-punishment-over-200000-litter-fines-issued-by-private-security-guards-in-2018/ (2019).
[107] Ibid.
[108] National Highways, “Highways England: Operational metrics manual”, https://nationalhighways.co.uk/media/5isknpuq/ris2-operational-metrics-manual-july-2021-1.pdf (2021).
[109] Cancer Research UK, “Risks and causes” https://www.cancerresearchuk.org/about-cancer/mesothelioma/risks-causes (2022).
[110] WRAP, “Litter Innovation Fund”, https://wrap.org.uk/what-we-do/our-services/grants-and-investments/litter-innovation-fund (2022).
[111] Keep Britain Tidy, “Litter innovation fund (LIF)”, https://www.keepbritaintidy.org/sites/default/files/resources/KBT_260219_Reflective-Littering-Innovation_Defra-LIF.pdf (2019).
[112] Medway Council, “Litter innovation fund (LIF)”, https://www.medway.gov.uk/download/downloads/id/4299/lif_final_report_final_jun19.pdf (2019).
[113] National Citizen Service, “Your questions answered”, https://wearencs.com/faqs (2022).
[114] Bright Blue, “Distant neighbours? Understanding and measuring social integration in England”, http://brightblue.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/Distant_Neighbours_Final.pdf (2019).
[115] Bright Blue request for information from NCS support line.

Andrius Urbelis: The government must act to reform commonhold in England

By Centre Write, Energy & Environment, Housing & Homelessness, Politics, Towns & Devolution

In 2002 the government was presented with a once-in-a-century challenge. Most of the residential leases granted at the beginning of the previous century were expiring. To provide a potential solution to extending one’s lease, the Commonhold and Leasehold Reform Act 2002 was introduced along with a new form of ownership – commonhold.

Commonhold allows unit owners in multi-occupancy buildings, such as a block of flats, to be the owners of their units for an indefinite amount of time. This stands in sharp contrast to leasehold, where a tenant has only a temporary right to hold property and has to pay for extending one’s right to live in it. Essentially, leasehold is a two-party relationship between landlord and tenant, whereas commonhold ownership involves only one party that has a perpetual right to the property.

Although similar types of ownership successfully exist across Europe and the rest of the world, commonhold ownership failed to take off in the UK. As of now, only 20 properties in the country are owned as commonholds.

Apart from the failed Commonhold reform, the overall housing situation in the UK is grim. The housing crisis is arguably one of the principal medium-term problems Britain faces along with wealth inequality, the North-South divide and a warming climate. 

The nature of the problem has severe implications for the whole economy and the geographical distribution of inequalities. As a result, addressing housing inequalities is inseparable from the Conservative goal of levelling-up the economy.

The unequal regional dynamics can be illustrated by comparing house prices in greater south east England with the rest of the UK. For instance, in Chatham, between 2013 and 2018, total housing wealth increased by a total of £6.4 billion whereas in Sunderland, a city of similar size, it increased only by £600 million during the same period.

The reasons behind housing inequalities and shortages can be attributed to numerous factors. One of them is the restrictive planning system. Liz Truss has quite controversially highlighted it by stating that one million new homes have to be built on the Green Belt.

Addressing the housing crisis by allowing new developments to appear on the Green Belt seems more like treating the symptom but not the disease. It has limited capacity to solve systemic regional inequalities in the housing market and would only temporarily make the situation less pressing. 

Throughout this century house prices have gone up exponentially, especially in the past few years. Although slight correction is likely, as the cost-of-living bites and interest rates rise, the nominal drop in house prices does not mean that buying a home suddenly becomes a feasible option for everyone who needs it. 

Thus, the important thing that the Government has to keep in mind is how to solve the problem of commonhold reform without exacerbating the other problem of unaffordable housing. 

Reforming the current commonhold system cannot be ignored, as the existing framework does not allow flat-owners to be the owners of their flats. The fact that 93% of owner-occupied flats are owned through leasehold is a peculiarity of the UK property market, barely comparable to any other country in this regard. 

The Law Commission published three reports in 2020 on commonhold and leasehold reform and proposed quite drastic modifications to the current legislation. For instance, it proposes to change the requirement of unanimity when seeking to convert from leasehold to commonhold, and that the threshold for conversion would be lowered to 50% of leaseholders. Although there are questions around how to finance the conversion to commonhold when only half of the residents consent, and how democratic such processes would be, the other pertinent issue that is somewhat neglected in the Law Commission’s report is how large-scale conversion to commonhold will affect prices in the housing market. 

What is clear from the international evidence is that introducing commonhold-strata-condominium legislation can lead to the rapid redevelopment of certain city areas, a change of urban landscape and higher housing prices. This was the case in Vancouver, where the introduction of the Strata Titles Act (1966) led to the redevelopment of entire neighbourhoods, such as Fairview Slopes, where condominium towers now dominate the landscape. In Singapore, Land Titles Strata Act amendments in 1999 enabled the country to address its land scarcity problem, stimulate investment and create new housing units.

Nevertheless, in both jurisdictions commonhold legislation also had adverse consequences, such as the eviction of residents in Vancouver and skyrocketing housing prices in Singapore. When applied to the UK context, the regions that could be the most transformed by commonhold reform are the ones which have the largest concentration of leasehold properties. 

As a rule of thumb, leasehold ownership is most popular in densely populated and highly sought-after areas, such as London, where 51% of transactions are leasehold sales. If the 50% rule where only 50% of leaseholders have to consent to commonhold conversion is implemented, and large-scale conversion from leasehold to commonhold gathers pace, housing inequalities between London and more rural areas will widen. The government should reconsider the 50% threshold and recognize that moving away from leasehold to commonhold is not a solution in itself since issues around the taking care of common areas and administering the building will remain. 

Since 2017, the government has been taking the right steps to make sure that leasehold functions effectively and that leaseholders are protected from unfair ground rents. It has to continue to address unfair practices within the leasehold system, like distorted dispute resolution process, to keep both commonhold and leasehold on the table.  Making both ownership systems fully functional will enable leaseholders to have the freedom of choice to convert but should also minimise the negative repercussions that large-scale conversion could have on levelling-up and the affordability of housing. 

Andrius is currently undertaking work experience at Bright Blue. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Tetyana Kovyrina]

Michael Stephens: Is it over for the Tories in London?

By Centre Write, Media, Politics, Towns & Devolution

The May local election was not a happy one for southern Tories. With the notable exceptions of Croydon and Harrow, Conservative Councillors found themselves facing a backlash from voters which saw prized Councils such as Westminster, Wandsworth, and Barnet, fall to Labour for the first time in decades. In Richmond, which had 39 Tory Councillors in 2014, only one remains. Similar stories of woe were to be found across Kent, the South Coast and Wales. 

The traditional London Conservative strongholds in Wandsworth and Westminster collapsed is probably not all that surprising. For weeks worried Conservative pollsters announced that Partygate might spell the end for the Tories in Wandsworth, but Westminster falling only added insult to injury. The eight percent slide in the Tory vote across the parliamentary constituencies of Battersea, Putney, Wimbledon and Richmond Park in 2019, was an ominous warning which 2022’s results have only reconfirmed

So what is to be done? Firstly, Tories should not panic. Despite the bruising defeat that myself and hundreds of others suffered, I firmly believe that reports of the death of the London Tory might be greatly exaggerated. 

Much has been written of London’s changing demographics, primarily that stable middle-class communities of homeowners are being replaced by more diverse transient renters, which erodes the base upon which Conservatism naturally lies. True, homeowners are more naturally inclined to vote Conservative, and yes the Borough of Wandsworth now experiences a 20% annual turnover in registered voters. But wealthy suburbs like Putney and Balham are still filled with homeowners, many of whom are more than comfortable, and can absorb the recent uptick in the cost of living. Additionally local elections rarely see more than 40% turnout, and it is transient voters who are the least likely to vote in such elections. So, while this might partly explain Conservative woes it certainly does not account for why key Councils were lost. 

In my experience as the local candidate for 15 months in East Putney (a Wandsworth Tory stronghold where Labour gained a seat) it was clear that for many voters the Conservatives had lost both their moral authority to govern, and their reputation for sound financial management. Losing one pillar was damaging, but losing both proved fatal, and critically undermined the Local Conservative message of Low Council Tax as the bastion of decades of good governance. 

I come away from this election cycle feeling that the Conservatives were punished because core voters were left behind. Elections tend to focus voters’ minds on one or two key issues that really matter, and time and again it was clear that the Local Conservative message of Low Council Tax simply could not cut through to soft Conservatives and floating voters. 

Even more concerning was the Local Conservative message began to whither among the normally reliable base of Middle-Class white voters, and it was from these disenchanted Conservatives that the anger was most apparent: “You’ve lost us”, “I’m a Conservative but you deserve a good kicking”, “Not while you’ve got that man in charge”, are all memorable doorstep quotes that came my way in the final days. 

The sharp rise in split ballots across Conservative strongholds attests to this sense of anger and disillusionment. Council Elections can always throw up odd results owing to the number of candidates on the ballot, but in this instance the number of split ballots this time was quite unparalleled. Alienated from the Conservative Party by relentless scandals, and impending economic woes, many voters had nowhere to turn. Rather than swing hard to Labour, many simply ticked boxes for anyone that was not a Tory. The bleed of split votes proved to be too much across a number of important Tory Wards, proving Benjamin Franklin’s maxim right that eventually “a small leak will sink a great ship”.  Thus, the message was sent, the voters were unhappy and gave the Conservatives the “good kicking” that I was promised on the eve of the elections. 

With the kick having been administered it is now time to think about how the Conservative Party reconnects with its London voters and across the South more broadly. While some may argue that solid results in the North might mean the Tories simply abandon London to focus on lower income constituencies in the North, the Telegraph rightly notes that this will lead to almost certain defeat at the next general election. Boris might have had the force of personality to drag the party over the line back in 2019, but relying on the Prime Minister in today’s political climate looks an increasingly dangerous strategy.  

Reengaging the South requires a complex re-evaluation of policies past and present. The days of the “Cameroons” and their big society are well and truly behind us, and the financial woes induced by the pandemic mean that a low tax high growth economy so favoured by London’s middle classes is but a pipedream. To compound the problem increasing inflation means that interest rates will surely rise, increasing the cost of borrowing and with it the cost of mortgages that mean an even larger percentage of Southern voters under 40 are unlikely to be receptive to the Tory message. 

Red meat policies like sending asylum seekers to Rwanda or the levelling up agenda do not appeal to Southern voters, and especially not London voters. Rather concrete policies to tackle the cost of living crisis, and stabilise both the housing and rental market would go some way towards bringing back voters who do not wish to be paying half their monthly salary for cramped accommodation. If this can be done while reinjecting a little more integrity back into politics, then Southern voters might, just might forgive us in the years to come.

Michael is an associate fellow for Bright Blue. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Peter Laskowski]

Jonathan Gullis MP: Painting the Red Wall green

By Centre Write, Energy & Environment, Towns & Devolution

Stoke-on-Trent is a textbook example of where the transition to net zero could help consolidate Conservative gains in the Red Wall. An area steeped in industrial history, associated with factories and mines, and which for decades under successive governments has been overlooked, the Staffordshire Potteries might not seem like a place where decarbonisation would be welcomed. With the Government’s plan to level up the country with a Green Industrial Revolution, however, areas like Stoke-on-Trent North, Kidsgrove, and Talke have the most to gain from net zero, as well as the most to offer.

There is an opportunity to reignite Britain’s industrial heartlands, providing well-paid jobs, local investment, and room for social mobility

Although the events in Glasgow for COP26 felt very far removed from Stokies’ everyday concerns, the Government’s policies to attract public and private investment to deliver net zero are a huge opportunity for my community. Ultimately, when people cast their vote at the next election, their key question will be – am I better off? Important factors in answering this question will be whether they have a good job, a clean and safe place to live, good transport links, and if their area has improved overall. When it’s affordable, fair, and tailored to local circumstances, net zero can meet some of these pressing needs, and resonate with industrial heartland voters like mine.

Although we still have some great companies locally, like Steelite and Churchill China, the decline of British manufacturing did not spare Stoke’s world-renowned ceramics industry. On top of this, it has had to face seemingly insurmountable logistical and commercial hurdles due to the pandemic. Its recovery was already threatened by the significant costs of materials and energy, but the international gas price spike may be the straw that breaks the camel’s back.

This would be a real tragedy for our area, which even now is so closely tied to our past as the world’s ceramics centre. Net zero represents a chance not just for a recovery, but a future for the industry which is sustainable both environmentally and economically. The kilns that are essential for our ceramics require a lot of energy for heating, usually supplied by gas.

Typically, the cost of firing these up to the necessary temperatures, sometimes above 1000°C, can reach a third of production costs. Similar energy-intensive industries tend to be based in industrial clusters, which have been supported by Government initiatives to decarbonise and transition to low-carbon technologies, such as electrification or carbon capture and storage. Ceramics needs this too. With the right support to improve energy efficiency and roll out low-carbon alternatives to gas for heating such as hydrogen or electricity, the industry’s 41,000 jobs would be future-proofed, and the UK could become a global leader in low-carbon ceramics.

Some of these technologies aren’t here yet, though, and we need immediate action if we are to save the 300-year-old ceramics industry and meet our industrial climate target of a two-thirds reduction in emissions by 2035. Removing social and environmental levies from energy bills, and funding them from general taxation instead, could deliver immediate cuts to the soaring costs of running a ceramics manufacturing business during the current gas price spike.

To enable development of these technologies and deliver our net zero target, we need a workforce that has the necessary skills. Net zero industries, like the offshore wind sector, offer opportunities for job creation and industry growth, but it won’t be possible without the right training schemes in place now. By 2030 the UK will need 170,000 more workers to qualify for jobs in these industries each year.

This jobs boom could be transformational for Red Wall areas that have historically been affected by factory closures, and been dependent on carbonintensive industries. For places like Stoke-on-Trent, the transition to a new low-carbon model could require not just new training, but extensive retraining. Government-backed ‘skills bridges’ that support retraining through targeted programmes, apprenticeships, and short-term work placements would help those who have been affected by the transition to find new work. This would complement the welcome steps the Government is already taking by including net zero and nature as priorities for local skills plans in the Skills Bill.

Linking all these benefits is the public transport that physically connects people and places. Getting this sorted will increase the number of accessible jobs, bring in investment for new businesses, and expand horizons for thousands of people. To level up public transport we have secured £29 million from the Government to improve rail and bus links across the city and are now bidding for up to £90 million under the Bus Back Better programme. Public transport is also a great example of how levelling up and net zero go hand in hand. Improving public transport will give people an affordable, low-carbon alternative to driving themselves around. With that will come better air quality, less noise pollution, and reduced congestion.

Net zero has benefits that go beyond reducing damaging carbon emissions, it offers tangible real world rewards for areas that have historically been starved of attention. With the low-carbon transition, there is an opportunity to reignite Britain’s industrial heartlands, providing well-paid jobs, local investment, and room for social mobility for millions of people.

Net zero and levelling up truly are the perfect match.

The Jonathan Gullis is currently MP for Stoke-on-Trent North and Co-Chair of the Coalfield Communities APPG. This article first appeared in our Centre Write magazine Favourable climate? Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: Pexels]

Josh Guillen: Two steps for building a healthier Union

By Centre Write, Towns & Devolution

The United Kingdom is following an increasingly treacherous path. In truth, the last decade has revealed the Union to be in a fragile state. The Scottish independence referendum (‘IndyRef’) of 2014; the SNP success of 2015; the EU membership referendum of 2016; the bitter EU withdrawal process, and the pandemic have all, to varying degrees, highlighted the growing discord underlying contemporary Britain. 

To ignore the legacy of these events is to fundamentally misunderstand the growing social and political disharmony between the four constituent nations of the UK. For these tensions to be addressed, a paradigm shift is needed to assure economic prosperity, mutual understanding, and political reciprocity. 

Before the dilemma can be solved, however, it is first necessary to ask how we arrived at this point. The 2014 Scottish IndyRef is an important place to start for it represents – both symbolically and politically- the culmination of discourse on the breakup of the UK. 

When reflecting upon this ‘crisis’ of the British constitution, Vernon Bogdanor offered a compelling account of how the referendum had failed to adequately resolve deep legal and political quagmires. “The referendum”, he noted, “not only failed to answer the Scottish Question but invoked a constitutional debate about the English Question”. The so-called English Question, as noted by Murdo Fraser MSP for Bright Blue, is one that embodies concerns that England does not have ‘parallel’ political representation to the devolved bodies of the Celtic nations. In essence, there is a stark imbalance of representation at the heart of the constitution. 

As the last five years have shown, though, devolution is scarcely just a legal issue- it is also a cultural one. Whether it be through the polarisation of voting outcomes in Westminster- the 2015 election was the first time in British history that each nation elected different majorities- or divergence over Brexit, lopsided devolution has afforded nationalism ample space through which to undermine the basis of the Union. 

On one hand, separatism can use extended devolutionary powers to differentiate itself from a distinctly ‘British’ political identity; on the other, English populist nationalism can engineer an explicitly ‘English’ ideal borne from the repulsion of being excluded or marginalized. These dynamics often interact in dangerous ways. An excellent piece in The Economist underlines this tension: “the English feel that by pocketing more money than they deserve, the Scots are not playing fair”. With a separatist power in the Scottish Government, it is easy to understand why these grievances exist. 

In many respects, it is this conception of Englishness that has emphatically altered the politics of the Union. Data presented by Prospect Magazine highlight how those that feel ‘more English’ than ‘British’ have remade the electoral composition of England, with 70% of these ‘English identifying’ voters having voted to leave the EU. When one analyses the words of Nicola Sturgeon, it becomes clear just how much of a deep-seated division this engenders: “People in Scotland voted overwhelmingly to remain in the EU, but their views have been ignored”. It would seem, then, that a cultural reconciliation is a core requirement for any workable British constitutional settlement- with citizen empowerment at its heart. 

How might the disintegration of the Union be averted? There are two ways the UK can aim to forestall antipathy and promote an engaged citizenry. 

First, the UK should pursue an Act of Union. As prescribed by a bill tabled in the House of Lords in 2018, an ‘Act of Union’ should seek “to provide a renewed constitutional form for the peoples of England, Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland to continue to join together to form the United Kingdom”. Such a reiteration of our mutual cultural, political, and civic obligations should serve as a principal reminder of the intertwined fortunes through which the foundations of our four nations are established. 

Indeed, as articulated by Murdo Fraser MSP, any Act or Charter of this kind should underline and respect the existing devolved competencies of the United Kingdom. Considering the ongoing difficulties in Northern Ireland, it would also need to replenish commitment to the cultural and legal sensitivities of the Good Friday Agreement, while also acknowledging the shifted dynamics of Brexit on Northern Ireland. 

Additionally, in establishing a renewed civic British ideal, any Act of Union could create favourable conditions for a comprehensive reform of the House of Lords. A more modern, democratic chamber would need to enhance political representation in England, while drawing Scotland, Wales, and Northern Ireland closer to the centralised political processes of the United Kingdom. It would also banish the problematic lack of democratic legitimacy the House of Lords has in British politics. 

Second, an active development of the Sewel Convention can help to animate a more reciprocal political understanding between devolved administrations and central government. The convention, established in 1999, ensures that the UK Parliament does not pass legislation that directly impacts or interferes with the competencies of the devolved bodies. Although historically uncontroversial, the Brexit withdrawal process has fundamentally weakened the trust and cooperation assured by the Sewel Convention, further straining the relationships between the principal organs of British democracy. 

To build a healthier union, a rejuvenation of collaborative policy making must be developed, hence diluting the threat of unilateralism. As outlined by the Institute for Government, there are multiple ways through which this can be achieved. Acting on these recommendations, alongside other core reforms, could help to reaffirm the symbiotic network of mutual political, cultural, and civic interdependence that we recognise to be the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. 

Josh is currently undertaking work experience at Bright Blue. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue. [Image: stockmedia.cc]

Robert Mirante: Northern Ireland: A New Hope

By Centre Write, Towns & Devolution

Over the last few days Northern Ireland has finally re-established their executive and restored devolved rule. This has been three years in the making, over many failed talks and bitter disagreement amongst the two major opposing parties, Sinn Fein and the DUP; both of whom finally conceded major compromises to make it happen. The document, ‘New decade, New approach,’ (NDNA) jointly fashioned by the Irish Tánaiste Simon Coveney and UK Northern Ireland Secretary Julian Smith sets out exactly how the Stormont executive will restore confidence in and reinvent the power-sharing arrangement.

NDNA is making huge strides to build upon the Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement and address the concerns of both the Nationalists and Unionists that have kept Stormont locked in stalemate. Three things have been at the root of the deadlock between Sinn Fein and the DUP; the RHI Inquiry, a standalone Irish Language Act and the Petition of Concern itself. Each of these concerns have been independently addressed in the new agreement but what impact will these compromises have on the future of devolved government at Stormont?

To tackle the RHI scandal, the findings from the formal inquiry will be referred to a dedicated subcommittee which will advocate further reforms. New ethics regulations will be adopted and the RHI scheme will be retired in favour of another scheme. Firstly, this fails to release the findings themselves directly to the public, acting contrary to the mission of NDNA which stresses the need to restore public trust in Stormont. The findings report has been continually pushed back and even now has no firm deadline for release. Until the findings are released, the active part that Arlene Foster played in the scandal is continually glossed over, falling short of the justice that is needed to break down the entrenched corruption in Stormont. It will continue to sow cynicism amongst the public against Stormont until the scandal is brought to a close with transparency. The consolation prize to the public is a set of new ethics measures etched out to impede a similar scandal from arising again. However, without a robust and independent ethics commission these arrangements will not suffice to establish transparency and restore faith in Stormont.

Where we can perceive some progress in legitimizing Stormont is through the other concessions made between Sinn Fein and the DUP, particularly around the Irish Language Act. Ethnic Identity and language, tied to religion, are the social cleavages of Northern Ireland and massively influence voting patterns. The two languages and identities, Irish and Ulster-Scots, championed by Sinn Fein and the DUP respectively, have been on the forefront of political debate for years as part of the peace process. Sinn Fein has been trying to legislate strictly for a standalone Irish Language Act but only to be blocked by the DUP whom want Ulster-Scots recognised alongside Irish. Both parties held steadfast, causing the collapse of the Stormont executive in 2017.

Under NDNA both parties have come to the negotiating table to agree and accept both languages and identities as equals. It establishes an Irish and an Ulster-Scots Commissioner to “recognise, support, protect and enhance the development” of both languages. Steps will be taken for the official use of both languages in Stormont and for all official documents. Finally, the wall has been broken down in Stormont to move past the identity gridlock. This settlement is particularly significant because it marks a significant concession from Sinn Fein to accept Ulster-Scots as a co-equal identity alongside an island-wide Irish identity. It will serve to build bridges in the North as individuals feel more empowered to choose their own identity instead of being co-opted into political debate. This particular settlement has the ability to transform the face of Nationalist-Unionist relations on the ground in the North for the better.

The last major reform of Stormont is the Petition of Concern. Although initially a mechanism to safeguard minority interest, it has been used to steamroll any legislation considered anathema by Sinn Fein or the DUP. Significant restraint will be introduced and the ‘Veto’ will now need to have wider appeal than for just one party to be utilised. This rolling back of the Petition marks a move towards centrism. It means that consensus is necessary and the focus turns towards conversation instead of silence on whatever finds its way to the floor of Stormont. This reform restores the original intent of the Petition of Concern as envisaged by John Hume and those who drafted the Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement.

Instituting ethics reforms, albeit limited, establishing language recognition and equality and reforming the Petition of Concern will no doubt allow the cogs to turn again in Northern Ireland. Only continued observation will prove if NDNA has gone far enough to keep devolved government steaming along for the long-term. From what can be seen, all of the steps have been taken to make sure three plus years of no government will not happen again. Here’s to hoping for a brighter future for Northern Ireland politics and a new vibrant democracy for those living in the North.

Robert Mirante is a Business Development and Data Officer at the London Irish Centre. 

Luke Cavanaugh: The balancing act of northern transport improvements

By Centre Write, Towns & Devolution, Transport

In the hours after the election, news channels delivered a scene that few could have imagined in the wake of the 2017 election: a Conservative Prime Minister sweeping to victory across the North and the Midlands. But as the dust settles on the election, Boris Johnson’s government is left with the enormous task of delivering on his ‘one nation’ promise. Productivity in the North lags behind the national average, with a £15 an hour deficit when compared to London, and it is clear that repaying those voters, many of them voting Conservative for the first time, begins with an increase in the regional prosperity of the North.

This appears to be at the forefront of this government’s agenda. Alongside a manifesto promise for a £250 million civic infrastructure fund to complement the ‘Towns Fund’, Johnson has promised to “level up” the UK by “investing in better infrastructure, better education and fantastic modern technology” across the country.

By bringing cities, firms and people closer together, improved transport links increase the scale at which companies can work and encourage monetary growth, while preventing overcrowding and cancelled services that inhibit other drivers of economic performance. To unlock the full potential of a Northern economy valued at £344 billion, in a region of some 15 million people, better transport systems will be key to sustaining freight routes in ports such as Liverpool, Hull and Newcastle, and international airports, like Manchester.

Even as Northern Rail and Transport for the North groan under the weight of maintaining transport networks in a region that has received on average a 2.4 times smaller investment per capita on transport than London over the past decade, the signs from the incumbent government are positive. A newly-promised £39 billion fund is now expected to be spent on Northern Powerhouse Rail, a Trans Pennine link from Liverpool to Hull, connecting the North from coast to coast. This forms part of a wider £70 billion pot to improve Northern Road and Rail connections. Although useful in itself, this fund will no doubt complement, even catalyse, the infrastructural and cultural improvements resulting from the pledged small business tax reliefs and a new cultural investment fund.

But the Conservative Party’s historically poor performance at the polls in the North East shows that these new voters do not quickly forget an unpopular policy. The costs for HS2 are now set to exceed £80 billion, and it is predicted that the service will not reach Leeds or Manchester until as late as 2040. For all its publicity, the high-speed rail network is still years away from completing even its first phase, and so it will take more than spending promises to keep voters in the North onside by the time the 2024 election comes around.

The trouble is, as Greater Manchester Mayor Andy Burnham recognises, that infrastructure projects inevitably last “beyond the political cycle”, and subsequently can be easily lost in the pipeline as governments and policy aims change. What the North needs is what IPPR North calls ‘quick wins’, projects that can be delivered within a single government’s term in office, providing immediate relief to balance major long-term projects like Northern Powerhouse Rail. From building a railway station at Leeds-Bradford airport to extending Manchester’s Metrolink or committing to the manifesto pledge of restoring some of the Beeching Lines, the loss of which have left many smaller towns isolated and economically disadvantaged, the opportunity to realise short-term gains in the North is evident. For the government’s ‘one nation’ vision to succeed, they need to find unity across the country, not only by bridging the North-South divide, but by connecting many of the comparatively isolated Northern cities with each other. Managing both long and short-term transport projects will prove to be a delicate balancing act, but it might just be the place to start.

Luke Cavanaugh is undertaking work experience at Bright Blue. Views expressed in this article are those of the author, not necessarily those of Bright Blue.